EDITORIAL

DIVIDE & RULE

Governance by rules is fine and it has got to be reasonably good to be acceptable to the masses. Misrule, however has its limitations where strength for governance is derived from the people but victims of misgovernance happen to be the same people who mandated them. Misrule need not necessarily stem from corruption. To be precise corruption has come to stay as a way of life and not acceptable to the mature voters as the only criteria for their support at the husting. Yet another way of ruling is the ageold tried formula of 'divide and rule'. It hardly matters whether it ultimately turns out to be rule with a difference or misrule par excellence. It also happens to be safest bet in the survival political game and the rule as much holds good in the home as far the governance. Parents having several offsprings which grow into formidable challengers are often observed indulging in the divisive game to engage them all in matching bouts...more

Controlling Population Growth
By: Pardeep Koul (Khodbali)

In the present times the growth of population is .....more

BJP's moment of truth
By: Kedar Nath Pandey

There is no ambiguity about the verdict delivered by the .. ....more

Polls leave much to learn
By : S C Bhatt

The results of the recent assembly elections in Delhi, ....more

Baning exports of daily consumption vegetables
By : Harbhajan Singh Gill

Onion and potato garlands were the common sight ....more

In the eye of a storm : Monsanto
By : Radhakrishna Rao

The US agrochemical giant, Monsanto, which was ....more

EDITORIAL

DIVIDE & RULE

Governance by rules is fine and it has got to be reasonably good to be acceptable to the masses. Misrule, however has its limitations where strength for governance is derived from the people but victims of misgovernance happen to be the same people who mandated them. Misrule need not necessarily stem from corruption. To be precise corruption has come to stay as a way of life and not acceptable to the mature voters as the only criteria for their support at the husting. Yet another way of ruling is the ageold tried formula of 'divide and rule'. It hardly matters whether it ultimately turns out to be rule with a difference or misrule par excellence. It also happens to be safest bet in the survival political game and the rule as much holds good in the home as far the governance. Parents having several offsprings which grow into formidable challengers are often observed indulging in the divisive game to engage them all in matching bouts and sparing themselves the awkwardness of direct challenge from anyone of them.

History is replace with examples of how 'divide and rule' clinched many impossible issues, converting imminent defeat into victory, perpetuating one's hegemonic role and then let them rot in unending squabbles and wars. The rule was aptly and assiduously applied to the Indian sub-continent by the erstwhile colonial power Great Britain when they created circumstances for division of India. It not only led to massive exodus of population from either country and unparalleled blood-spillage, but also immediate war between the two new-born countries was manipulated. Even as country was divided, there was that ignominous divide of J&K State with the propping up of what they call as POK. Pak caused its further divide by taking away the northern areas from the governing apparatus of POK as also ceding part of the territory to China from the northern belt. Who served whom is not important. The fact remains divide and rule game does help power seekers to strengthen their foothold on specific areas. There was then that divide of Korea into two entities namely North Korea and South Korea who yet remain inimical to each other. And that Vietnam divided into North and South.And that Germany divided with the Berlin wall by the big powers, and that champion of NAM Yogoslavia facing multiple divide. That Palestine divided to carve out the State of Israel. And that historical masterpiece of balkanisation of mighty Soviet Union into smaller Republics so assiduously manipulated. And indeed there are many countries subjected to similar divide so that someone else calls the tunes.

In this country, the situation within has been identical. Indira caused the divide of the mighty Congress Party giving birth to Congress (I) and Congress (O). 'O' stands for old. And that is not all. There was also Congress (S). 'S' stands for Sharad Pawar. Then there have been those Congress offsprings like Loktantrik Congress, Trinamool Congress, Tamil Manila Congress and all that stuff. It was Narasimha Rao who thought that this divisive game can indeed assure him simple majority in the Lok Sabha in 1991-96. He went about very articulately to cause multiple divide of Janata Dal. It needs no repitition as present JD is left with only 5 MPs. Tamil Nadu scenario shows that AIADMK alliance with others is broken up. She accuses BJP of manipulating this exercise to cause drift away from her for its pre-electoral allies. Now Akali Dal (Badal) accuses CPI (M) and Congress for hobnobbing with Tohra to break AD and its alliance with BJP so that together they could capture Punjab. Never mind if it leads to revival of terrorism. After all it is the nation of unity in diversity and obviously it looks more eye-catching with that 'divide and rule' culture dominating the political scenario.

Controlling Population Growth
By: Pardeep Koul (Khodbali)

In the present times the growth of population is the single biggest challenge that the human race is confronted with unparalled and unprecedented rise in human population is a demographic calamity and catastrophe, that is hanging like a Democles sword on the very survival of human beings. We should always remember the good old saying that excess of every thing is bad. The pressure of population upon the natural resources is tremendous. The situation is more dismal in our country which is home of the second largest concentration of people in the world. The demand on all our resources because of the increase in population is so great that despite the all round progress that we have registered in almost every field. We are still fighting against hunger poverty, and under development with our backs to the wall. Since Independence we have undergone a great economic and social change which is visible and evident if we look at the life expectancy graph. The average life expectancy has gone upto sixty years. This is further testified by the net resultant increase in the number of elder people. This is a good and healthy parameter of development but as we have failed to check our birthrate per thousand the result is that on the both sides of the scale the population is growing.

Some years ago eminent intellectual and social philosopher Prof. Noam Chomsky was on a visit to India. He conveyed his apprehension about future of India as a viable nation in very harsh words. He said, "To me India looks like a land of creeping worms.'' He was puzzled by the demographic explosion every where.'' There is urgent need to control the population speedly otherwise we will loose the battle against it and India will soon witness a calamity unparalled in scope and scale. Since 1963 when Green Revolution started India has increased its agriculture yield per hectare several fold. Similar progress has been achieved in milk production through operation flood programme. Now India is largest producer of vegetables and second largest producer of fruits after Brazil. These achievements will pale into insignificance if steps are not taken to check the rate of population. To halt increasing rate of population we should undertake very drastic measures and implement them on a war footing. We have to tackle the problem both at grass root and apex level through legislation and laws. Those laws should not stay on paper but work. The other measures which will go a long way to control the population are viz A National Policy, Legislation, Increasing allocation of funds, Rural Upliftment, Mother and child care Incentives and Education.

NATIONAL POLICY

When India achieved independence our population was about three hundred thirty million. Now it has reached about 980 million. It was due to the absence of clear National Policy that population control concept never really took off the ground. We have only changed the names of the programmes from family planning to family welfare where as the main thrust of the programmes has remained irresolute. Our interest was not focussed upon the effective and viable control measures. When we look at the present scenario we become helpless. Leaving the mad race for power aside all the political parties should sit together and irrespective of their political aspirations must evolve a concensus so that population control programme undertaken by any Govt. enjoys the total and tacit support of all the political parties.

Previously it has been seen that any measure undertaken by the Govt. in power has been overtly or covertly subverted by the opposition for the cheap end of Placating vote banks. Sometimes an honest programme has been exploited in the name of religion by the political parties to achieve their narrow ends. We should call a halt to all these tendencies. National and regional parties should evolve a broadbased consensus regarding the population control programme.

LEGISLATION

The constitution of India is one of the most complete document drafted by the citizens of a nation to govern itself. The Citizens of India enjoy many fundamental rights one of which is right to life. This right to life should not be taken as a right to procreate indiscriminately. When the very basis of a nation that has provided us with these liberal fundamental rights is faced with grave danger, then it is the sacred duty of all its citizens to rise and from the laws of the State for the sake of the very survival of the State. All experts and responsible people like social scientists, social workers, intellectuals, advocates, judges and political activists have to ponder over the problems and come forward with a strong legislation. The example of China is very much before us. How successfully they have been able to put a break upon the birth rate. Parliament and State Assemblies should immediately enact laws which put a limit on the number of the children per couple. In this way we shall be able to reverse the ever menacingly rising trend of the population graph.

RURAL UPLIFTMENT

It is an established fact that when there is poverty there is an increase in population. Prof. Amartiya Sen's study of famines of 1942 in Bengal, Saharan Countries, and Euthopia as well as the study in rural societies points out towards this fact very clearly. India has about seventy percent population in villages. This population is poor, famished and backward. When we raise the standard of people especially in the rural areas we shall be able to bring down the population growth on a sustained basis. Through increased allocation of funds we should lay emphasis on rural based employment programme-like agro based schemes, cottage industry, handloom etc. Unemployed youth should be given easy and readily available loans-The rise in the standard of living puts a sure stop on the population growth.

MOTHER AND CHILD CARE

India has one of the highest child mortality rate per thousand. The high infant mortality rate creates a sense of insecurity in the poor people and thus they as a general trend opt for three or more children. If we provide a better mother and child care this trend can be reversed. India is a poor country, we cannot provide allopathic system of treatment in every nook and corner. We should blend our local systems of medicine (whose practitioners are present in the remote interiors) with modern allopathic system. This can provide a cheaper health care to mother and child.

ROLE OF MEDIA

Media has an important role to play especially in a democratic environment like ours in raising the awareness of people towards population control. Now we are better equipped with satellites and ground broadcast stations. Health related programmes should be continuously broadcast and telecast over radio and television. People should be taught through regional languages over media about the importance of population control. Audio-visual programmes create a lasting influence on the minds of the people and should be readily adopted.

To conclude it is high time that we devote all our individual and collective energies towards curbing fast growing population otherwise in our own life time we will be witness to the collapse of India as proud and self reliant nation. We will not be able to rid our nation of the age old malady of poverty and hunger. We shall never come up as a respectable influential and a developed country in the comity of nations.

BJP's moment of truth
By: Kedar Nath Pandey

There is no ambiguity about the verdict delivered by the electorate in the four states which went to the polls: An overwhelming majority of the 83 million voters has voted against the Bharatiya Janata Party. As the party grapples with the painful aftermath of comprehensively losing Delhi and Rajasthan to the Congress and abjectly failing to wrest Madhya Pradesh from it, it cannot even take refuge in a politically-neutral "anti-incumbency factor" - the quasi-mechanical law of nature which habitually claims incumbent Governments as its helpless victim. The reiteration of popular faith in the Digvijay Government in Madhya Pradesh has proved once again that the much-abused term actually seethes with very real voter discontent on very real issues; it cannot fell a dispensation which is seen to have delivered. The BJP must, therefore, face the writing on the wall -- this is a vote on its governance. More specifically, on the lack of it.

The party cannot escape another bitter truth either. The turn of the ballot in Rajasthan, Delhi and Madhya Pradesh is also a verdict on the eighth month old BJP-led Government at the Centre. Though senior BJP leaders continue to protest that the setback in the states is not a referendum on the party's performance at the Centre, the amputation of one from the other is too bloodless to be true. The Vajpayee Government can ill-afford this schizophrenic distancing from the electorate's anger in Delhi. Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh. The vote cast against the BJP in the States has also registered the voter's disillusionment with the Government it leads at the Centre.

The party must realise that it is a mandate against its visible fumbling on almost all major issues of popular concern, especially the failure to curb rising prices of essential commodities. Even as the BJP short-sightedly shirks the lessons from the verdict, however, the Congress's restraint in the face of its spectacular gains has shown unexpected maturity. It reiterates that it will do nothing to destabilise the Vajpayee Government; it continues to keep impatient kingmakers at arm's length. Though the Assembly wins may not immediately catapult the party to power at the centre, the verdict is certain to bring a new confidence in its efforts to resuscitate itself. It is surely ironical that at a time when the BJP's "Congressisation" -- in the worst sense of the term -- seems to be complete, the Congress has been able to pull itself together to successfully purvey a "new look" avtaar.

As the Congress raced back to power in Rajasthan and Delhi and reinforced its citadel in Madhya Pradesh, it is also clear that it has benefited from more than the anti-BJP vote. The huge swing in favour of the Congress -- about 14 per cent in Delhi, for instance -- is evidence that the party has retrieved a large section of its erstwhile constituency of minorities. Dalits and backward classes which it had lost to the United Front. As it cleanly divides the mandate between the Congress and the BJP, therefore, the verdict in the states points to a new political polarisation. The "Third Front" is all but dead. It can only tail the two major parties as they lock horns with each other.

The record of successive BJP Governments in the states show that it falls to appreciate the electorate's genuine, day-to-day problems and believes that people are driven to polling booths only by lofty moral values which the party claims to espouse. How else is it possible to explain the trebling of bus fares in Rajasthan just weeks before the Lok Sabha elections?

More importantly, however, the BJP's assertion of being a party with a difference has not just begun to wear thin but sounds deafeningly hollow. The same wheeler-dealers who thronged the corridors of power during the Congress and Janata/NF/UF regimes; lost no time in daubing themselves in a pale shade of saffron and crowding the very same corridors. Long years ago, in the immediate aftermath of Indira Gandhi's rout in the 1977 election, then foreign minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had pertinently told a Janata Party victory rally to guard against complacency because vyakti badle hain, vyavastha nahi badla (Only the people have changed, the system has not). Sadly, as Prime Minister, the same Vajpayee has not only forgotten his own remark but has even failed to change the people around him.

The BJP Government has been so vacillating and defensive about not going on a witch-hunt that it has allowed blue eyed bureaucrats of the Congress/UF regime not just to survive but even prosper. A section in the party is so obsessed with collecting fraudulent good character certificates from the "secular" intelligentsia that it now bends backwards to reward even unreformed Stalinists. The recent nomination of the new chief of the National Commission for women reveals yet again the drought that afflicts the BJP's intellectual catchment area. Prasar Bharati lies without a head and direction for months because the Governments cannot reconcile rival factional demands. Admittedly, these are not crucial to an election, but protracted prevarication on even such trivial issues of governance only lends credence to the hyperbolic journal headlines such as, "Unfit to govern."

Perhaps the problem here is that the BJP leadership is not well versed with relevant body of political theory, particularly the works of the Italian Marxist thinker, Antonio Gramsci. (Yes, there is more to Italy than Sonia Gandhi!) Had they comprehended Gramsci, they might have realised that "hegemony" is a comprehensive concept; that a regime rules through intellectual consensus, spawned by ideological hegemony of a particular class (or social group) over the rest of society. And the fact is that a Congress -Left intelligentsia (which nowadays operates under the beguiling label of secular intelligentsia) exercise a near-total hegemony at the level of thought. The Congress was intelligent enough to periodically co-opt this section through sops and offers of proximity to power -- the setting up of monstrously expensive JNU in Delhi and lavish grants to AMU by Indira Gandhi being examples of this successful co-option. So, when the BJP looks around for people to man key hegemonic bodies like the ICHR or ICSSR, or even Prasar Bharati for that matter, it has to fall back either on intellectually unsophisticated loyalists or Congress turncoats. If it could not find a respectable name barring lifelong Congress sympathiser L.M. Singhvi to induct to the Rajya Sabha from Rajasthan, it must speak volumes for the party's politico-intellectual poverty.

The crash of '98 might prompt the BJP into taking some swift corrective measures. While the immediate priority must be governance, it is true that good governance, being essentially a subjective perception, does not necessarily qualify as the principal criterion for re-election. But it is not the prospect of re-election that should concern the mauled party now. At least it needs to govern with a difference so when that inevitable mid-term poll descends, the party is at least able to credibly defend its record in Government. In other words, politics has to be in command as Mao Zedong had decreed decades ago.

Today both BJP's politics and its carde has become vitually indistinguishable from those of Congress. Thus, the party is fighting its principal adversaly on the letter's home turf and facing a natural disadvantage. For a party that so aggressively and impressively rose from the ashes of the 1984 Lok Sabha poll to become India's party of Government, this is a pathetic denouement.The loss of a few states in a mid-term shock therapy by the electorate need not be critically debilitating for the BJP's long-term prospects. But that's provided it still retains the will to fight. (INAV)

Polls leave much to learn
By : S C Bhatt

The results of the recent assembly elections in Delhi, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Mizoram may have shocked the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), but they must make the party ponder over what went wrong.

The results were not entirely unexpected but the severity and the impact produced by them and the questions thrown up were somewhat amazing.

The BJP had a rising graph both in the state assembly elections and in the Lok Sabha.

In the latter, it had improved its position from just two seats in the 1984 polls several times over by the next elections in 1989 and had not looked back since, despite the growing distance between it and the other political parties, specially the left-leaning ones.

By 1996 it had emerged as the number one party in the Lok Sabha and improved that position significantly in February 1998.

As to the states it had under its banner, either by itself or with allied parties, Uttar Pradesh, the most populated state, Delhi, Rajasthan, Gujarat, where it reasserted its authority in February 1998, Maharashtra and Punjab as well as Haryana.

It had a notable presence in Karnataka and made some inroads in the south, elsewhere than Karnataka, and the eastern states in the February Lok Sabha poll. Its success in forging alliances with a number of regional parties led to the formation of the Atal Behari Vajpayee government at the centre in March 1998.

On the contrary, the Congress had almost been wiped out from the two major states, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, performed dismally in Delhi, Punjab and Madhya Pradesh despite the hectic campaigning of Sonia Gandhi who emerged as a powerful force for the former ruling party.

All this changed radically in the past eight months.

First Sonia Gandhi captured the Congress organisation from the unwilling Sitaram Kesri and set about purposefully to streamline the 113-year-old party. The partymen had their hopes revived, although they were keen on being in power.

What butressed the Congress was its success in Rajasthan, Maharashtra and Orissa in the parliamentary poll. But more than that the rising prices of essential commodities, particularly vegetables like onions and potatoes and pulses, largely due to climatic and natural reasons, caused untold hardship to the common man and the housewives waited from day to day for some improvement.

The BJP and its allies, often quarelling over what looked like petty issues, did not realise that the people who would be voting in the assembly elections in November, would be certainly influenced by the price situation.

On the other hand, Congressmen were up and about exposing the failures of the BJP governments in Delhi and Rajasthan and in Madhya Pradesh, where the Congress party was in power, attributing the price rise to the centre's policies. Added to the price situation which by itself was potent enough to cause an upset was the spectacle of senior BJP leaders at loggerheads with one another and sometimes washing the dirty linen in public.

The BJP central leadership also committed serious errors besides not evaluating the mood of the people who were getting disenchanted with the party. The lapses consisted of choosing wrong leaders for Delhi, imposing a dynamic leader on the state at the proverbial eleventh hour and allowing a sick and aged leader in Rajasthan to continue.

The tendency to persist with the tried but some failing hands was also reflected in the choice of party candidates for the assembly polls in the three states.

While the Congress took the bold decision to discard the chaff, the BJP by and large stuck to it.

The ire of the voters over the high prices they were paying from day to day was transformed into negative votes on the polling day on November 25.

High prices, lack of party discipline among senior leaders of the BJP, closing of ranks among congressmen continued bickering among the BJP's allies and the leadership's failure to gauge the voter's feelings were among the reasons which led to the debacle.

The BJP can learn these lessons while there is still time.

Besides putting its house in order it can make better arrangements for the states still under its control and offer alternative leadership in the states where it has lost.

The Congress, as Sonia Gandhi has emphasised, can ill afford to boast and rest on its oars.

The BJP's allies have taken the required hint from the main partner's debacle in Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh and stood as one party behind the Vajpayee government.

Nobody wants a mid-term poll, although all parties say they are ready for it. For the BJP's allies one way, the sure way, of avoiding the mid-term poll, is to strengthen Vajpayee's hands.

The media cannot be blamed for playing up the differences although they fail to understand that the allies have as much, if not more, stake in the continued success of the Vajpayee government.

If the government fails and if the Congress were to take over, with the ever ready support of the left and the RLM Morcha, the places of the BJD ministers would be taken by Orissa Congress MPs, the Lok Shakti would be replaced by Karnataka Congressmen, the Samata by Bihar and other Congressmen or the RJD, and even the AIADMK by the TMC.

The list above is not exhaustive. Sonia Gandhi, holding back her eager horses itching to drink at the fountain of power, has wisely decided not to try and topple the Vajpayee government.

The left as well as Mulayam Singh Yadav are overly active to egg on the Congress but Sonia Gandhi is not obliging.

Mulayam Singh Yadav has also cause for worry in the return of the Congress. His partyman lost his deposit in the Agra east constituency in a by-election. Most of the Muslim votes he could have hoped to garner have been taken by the Congress candidate.

Muslim voters have stopped punishing the Congress and voted for the party instead of plumping for the Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav. So have the Sikh voters in Delhi and in a by-election in Punjab.

These are signals the BJP also cannot ignore. There is no doubt that Mulayam Singh would have to do some deep thinking but so will the BJP.

The old concept of votebanks is coming back in a number of states. In some states, the BJP has done pretty well in the by-elections, as it won the only Lok Sabha poll in Bharuch in Gujarat, retaining the seat by a larger margin and despite the canvassing done for a Janata Dal candidate by former Prime Minister H D Deve Gowda. The BJP also won a by-election in the Himachal assembly and ended its dependence on Sukh Ram's Himachal Vikas Party.

It also won the Agra east constituency and although the margin of victory was smaller it helped to prove that the Sonia factor was not yet influencing the voters sufficiently.

There is the usual media speculation about the future of the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh but that seems to be a little premature.

As we have seen, there are major lessons for the BJP from the three assembly elections and some by-elections. While these have been elaborated above, there are important lessons for the Congress also and for the two Yadav leaders as well as the left leaders who are banking on the Congress to pull the chestnuts out of the fire.

The Congress has to display a new maturity if it has to stage a comeback on the national scene. The temptations of power are too strong but the manner in which the party leadership pulled down two United Front governments in 1997 and the difficulties of the working of coalitions should put a brake on that temptation.

In the states where the party has been voted to power the Congress has to work vigorously and control the prices which is not an easy task to accomplish.

It has to retain the hold on the votebanks which have come back to it in the hope that the party would deliver the goods.

That is more than a handful for Congressmen. Let us not forget that while under P V Narasimha Rao the central government was converted from a minority into a majority, the party lost Delhi, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra and haryana, to the BJP and its allied parties, it also lost Andhra Pradesh to the Telugu Desam and Karnataka to the Janata Dal. (PTI)

 

Baning exports of daily consumption vegetables
By : Harbhajan Singh Gill

Onion and potato garlands were the common sight at election rallies in Delhi. Politics apart, we must remember that far more is at stake than prices of a few commodities. We are faced with an erosion in the fertility of our soil, ever increasing shortage of water, degradation of ecology, destruction of our animal wealth, strategy of survival of all of us that we must now turn.

It is the opinion of agricultural economists that high prices have not benefited farmers. Right across the onion belt, said an expert, no farmer got more than Rs 4-5 per kilo, even as city dwellers were forking out Rs 50 or so. Apple growers in Himachal Pradesh have known this all along.

Sharad -Joshi, an advocate of farmers' rights, would agree. He has long been saying that despite subsidies on inputs, Indian farmer is supported very little. He has recently released figures of official support to farmers in different countries (we shall shortly return to them) to show that for 19 commodities, the official assistance in India is negative. In plain words, instead of getting any benefit, the farmer has to bear a loss because of government intervention. Lower input prices are more than neutralised by lower output prices.

This is because costs are far too high and are inadequately captured by the Agricultural Prices Commission data on costs. For a second Green Revolution, concludes the editorial of another leading economic daily, the Indian consumer will have to pay more.

But is he not already paying through the nose for his food? Why not cut the costs instead ? It is to this that we must now turn. (This does not detract from the need to overhaul the distributive system that fattens the middlemen at the expense of growers and users, but that discussion must wait for now.)

Food is costly because agriculture is mechanised. So long as the farm policy is geared to promote the use of high yielding variety (HYV) of seeds, chemical fertilisers, pesticides, tractors, pump sets etc there is no hoped of cheap food. Notice first, how one thing leads to another, and second, how each imposes an additional real cost on the farmer. The hybrid seeds are more prone to pests and diseases on the one hand, and give better results with chemical fertilisers, on the other.

They, therefore, need expensive pesticides. This is how Herman T Spieth describes them; Pesticides- new synthetic organic chemicals, deadly in their ability to kill pests, precise in their disruption of ecology and, deadly to all life in some ways.

The real villain perhaps is chemical fertiliser. Agricultural experts agree that it is not advisable to depend solely on chemical fertilisers to the exclusion of organic manure and compost as it destroys the fertility of the soil. They also say that to convert barren wasteland into cultivable land, it should be given large quantities of dung-based manure.

In the light of these facts, it seems to be an amazing folly that the government policy should concentrate on the promotion and production of chemical fertilisers, instead of trying to maximise the production of organic manure and compost. The use of chemical fertilisers enables the plants to strike deep roots. The land loses its fertility and becomes progressively harder. It imposes additional strain on the bullocks during cultivation. The poor animal needs to be replaced much earlier, entailing a loss to the farmer. Also, the stem of the plant grown with chemical fertilisers is so thick that animals cannot eat them. The farmer has to incur additional expenditure on fodder. Soon, the land is longer cultivable ith bullocks and needs a tractor.

Nobody has yet proved that tractor improves the yield of the land. For raising the crop, the ground needs to be cultivated thrice, vertically, horizontally and again vertically. It makes no difference whether this is done with a plough or a tractor.

Also, the land cultivated with bullocks can be sown after a rainfall of only 25-30 mm, but when cultivated with tractor, it would need rainfall of 125 mm before sowing. This is because the tractor dents the ground much deeper and thereby destroys its inner moisture.

We have already discussed the resulting water scarcity, use of tube wells with their attendant costs and ecological problems. It remains to be pointed out that the produce of this so-called modern farming is of substandard quality.

This harvest of devastation is nourished inthe developed countries. This brings us once again to the figures published by Sharad Joshi. Globally, agriculture is subject to distortions brought about by government intervention. The Uruguay Round attempted to quantify it with the help of a concept called Aggregate Measurement of Support (AMS). A positive AMS denotes a subsidy, while a negative AMS implies a net tax or burden.

It is calculated both at the aggregate level and at product level. Sharad Joshi's figures on the aggregate AMS are 70 per cent for Japan, 50 per cent for western Europe and 30 per cent for US while only 4.05 per cent for India. Also, on 19 products, Indian AMS is negative, implying a burden on the farmer.

And yet, for most agricultural products, global prices are higher than prices in India. This can be explained in terms of the disparity between the purchasing power of rupee and its exchange rate against the American dollar. But by far, the most plausible explanation is that Indian farmer is less dependent on chemical fertilisers than his counterpart in developed countries.

The present official thrust on mechanisation of agriculture can only destroy this comparative advantage that the Indian farmer has managed to retain against heavy odds. Ever increasing subsidies on fertilisers, power and irrigated water cannot help him, and greater credit can only lead him into debt trap till the basic issues responsible for high cost of farming are addressed.

Sharad Joshi has been pleadig for removal of restrictions on export of agricultural commodities so that Indian farmer can get justice by selling his produce in the international market at a higher price.

While this may benefit some large farmers (or agri-businessmen) with marketable surplus, it will make life worse for everybody else. What they need is a strategy that will enable them to produce more at a lower cost by reducing their dependence on outside industries and agencies. What is, however, important to ban exports of items of daily consumption like onions, potatoes and green vegetables. (INAV)

 

In the eye of a storm : Monsanto
By : Radhakrishna Rao

The US agrochemical giant, Monsanto, which was once known for its ''range of dirty chemicals'' and now describes itself as an environment friendly life sciences company devoted to improving the quality of human life, is now in the centre of a controversy for its attempts to test and introduce the so called ''bollgard'' cotton seeds in India.

Over the last one month, there have been violent protests and demonstrations against Monsanto's experimentations in India. Both the Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh state assemblies have expressed serious concern over the permission granted by the central government to Monsanto to pursue its ''questionable and harmful experiments'' involving genetically modified plant materials.

In a significant move, the Andhra Pradesh government has already directed Mahyco Monsanto Biotech (India) Ltd, a joint venture between Monsanto India and Jalgoan based Maharashtra Hybrid Seeds Company, Mahyco, to stop all its fied trials being conducted in 11 places in seven districts of the state.

In fact, this move makes Andhra the first state to restrict the activities of Monsanto in India in deference to the wishes of the farmers in the state.

Farmers in both Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka have, in a frenzied outburst against Monsanto, destroyed the so-called ''bollgard'' cotton crops being grown in the State. While a spokesman of Monsanto says that the development of ''bollgard'' cotton suited to India's agro-climatic milieu could help farmers reap a bumper crop without much of an investment on pesticides. It is claimed that the bollgard cotton seeds which have already been introduced in China and Latin America, is resistant to bollworm insect, a major cotton pest.

Monsanto has been propagating the view that bollgard gene would provide the farmer with only one productive growing season like any other hybrid seeds. But reports from Europe say that the bollgard cotton has failed to live up to the claims of its promoters.

In Europe, there is a groundswell of protests against the genetically modified crops being introduced by Monsanto.

In August this year, after the Bangalore-based Indian Institute of Science (IISC) made available its research facilities to Monsanto, Prof Nanjundswamy, the mercurial head of the militant farmers ' outfit Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha (KRRS) had threatened to attack IISC.

However, after a IISC spokesman made it clear that the tie-up with Monsanto has nothing to do with the development of the controversial terminator technology, Prof Nanjundaswamy chose to remain silent.

But he along with 200 members of the KRRS burnt half an acre of the total crop of bollgard cotton in Bellary district in November this year.

It may be recalled that way back in 1992, KRRS activists had ransacked the facilities of Cargill Seeds India in Bangalore and Bellary. Incidentally, Monsanto India has acquired the Cargill Seeds, India, the largest producer of sunflower seeds in the country.

Meanwhile KRRS has stated that it will file criminal cases against Monsanto. Said Prof Nanjund- aswamy, ''We are compiling evidence to show that no safety measures were adopted by Mahyco and Monsanto while conducting trials. We are waiting for irrefutable evidence.''

Referring to the seeds developed by Monsanto, he said, ''Canada sent 600,000 kg of the seed out of the country. Brazil prosecuted Monsanto for smuggling the seeds into the country through Argentina.''

In parliament, BJP member K R Malkani warned that these were 'seeds of disaster' aimed at promoting American interests in biological warfare techniques.

Obviously Malkani was referring to the so-called ''treminator seed'' technology whose patent is held jointly by the US Department of Agricultural and Delta and Pineland Ltd. Media reports say that Monsanto has already acquired Delta and Pineland Ltd though the company maintains that the merger is still tobe effective.

Essentially terminator technology allows the development of genetically modified seeds that block germination after one season. This implies that a farmer going in for this technically will be forced to buy seeds afresh every sowing season.

It is also feared that pollens from the terminator seeds could affect other corps and plants in the vicinity. As such, most NGOs have described the move to introduce terminator seeds as a global threat to farmers, biodiversity, food security and ecological health.

It was a North American NGO Rural Advancement Foundation International (RAFI) which coined the word ''terminator''. These NGOs have also alleged that the American agriculture department is supporting Monsanto to hilt in its attempt to subvert the farming and economic foundations of the third world through large scale introduction of terminator seeds through ''manipulations, force and bribery''.

The New Delhi-based Gene Campaign which is fighting against biopiracy says that ''the interests and goals of the Indian agriculture and Monsanto are diametrically opposite and the latter is developing terminator technology for self destructive seeds.

What is good for Monsanto is not good for India. Dr Suman Sahai, chief of Gene Campaign elaborates ''Our goals are food and nutritional security for our people and maintaining genetic diversity and easy availability of seeds in all agroclimatic zones.''

A spokesman of Monsanto in India said the so-called terminator technology is still in its conceptual stage and it will take years for this technology to assume a practical shape.

But Monsanto claims that the ''terminator technology''' is useful as it improves productivity of the crop. On the other hand, the bollgard cotton, points out, Monsanto involves the use of seeds containing a micro-organism called basillus thuringensis (BT) which protects the cotton from bollworm. The Federation of Andhra Pradesh Farmers Association has however described the claim of Monsanto as totally false. PTI Feature

 

 

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