EDITORIAL

STERN ACTION

The presence of the Minister to supervise illegal construction over a piece of land forcibly claimed as belonging to Auqaf is proof enough that present ministerial team is busy in misgovernance rather than become asset to the power apparatus. It shows that most of them have no work. Otherwise, Minister for Parks, Gardens, Haj and Auqaf would......more

CM'S ULTIMATUM

Serving of an ultimatum on the police for nabbing the killers of National Conference Block President Mohd Ramzan Wani is quite belated but welcome. He is not the first NC stalwart or cadre to be killed in this sordid manner. There have been many innocent citizens....more

Saddam's survival serves Clinton well
By : S K Singh

It used to be called damage containment. In the new politically correct terminology it should rightfully be called event management. The biggest ....more

Development and welfare
of children

By: Mr. K. K. Mam

All through history, the child has been the subject of love, care and appreciation. In literature, arts and religion, children and childhood have been depicted in .. ....more

Muslims in post-Independence India
By: Maulana Wahiduddin Khan

At the request of certain educated Muslims and non-Muslims of Pune, I addressed a common gathering on November 6, 1991 ....more

EDITORIAL

STERN ACTION

The presence of the Minister to supervise illegal construction over a piece of land forcibly claimed as belonging to Auqaf is proof enough that present ministerial team is busy in misgovernance rather than become asset to the power apparatus. It shows that most of them have no work. Otherwise, Minister for Parks, Gardens, Haj and Auqaf would not have spent so much time on an activity which is the domain of others. For one thing official records confirm the land belonging to Jammu Development Authority. This much was informed to those who showed overzealousy in forcible raising of walls and other structure. To that extent it is as well an encroachment which should have attracted the cops present there in good number to intervene. They did not do so even when the JDA Tehsildar was bashed up by pro-Minister zealots present there to ensure by raising of illegal structure. Even during bash-up exercise cops did not intervene. It opens up the entire question of law and order being violated in the presence of law enforcing agents. Or do we take it that the Minister is a law unto himself and beyond ambit of any law. Such immunity is not available even to the Prime Ministers who have been summoned to the courts and made to answer for their misdemeanours.

Another pertinent aspect of the case relates to two Government agencies busy recklessly ruining public peace and tranquility for an issue that could have been very well sorted out amicably. Why the CM or any other Minister should be disturbed and asked to intervene on such petty matters which strictly relate to revenue records and which in turn indicates that the piece of land indeed belongs to JDA and not Auqaf. The tragedy gets compounded because even after written request by the Assistant Commissioner Revenue, the concerned Minister and Auqaf Administrator persisted with the construction work. Here one more question crops up and that is why Assistant Commissioner should 'request.' This means the entire bureaucracy becomes defunct and non-performing once minister performs his illegal act. Often, bureaucrats have been blamed for many ills that afflict the troubled State. But here is a case which proves how gross interference by politicians and ministers upsets the applecart of good administration.

Yet another question that does cross one's mind is if this be the standard and yardstick set by the Minister Peerzada Ghulam Ahmad Shah, how the Government expects common man to react and behave. The lesson is that every citizen is free to encroach upon JDA land or Nazool land or even somebody's private land, raise the walls and construct the rooms. It makes all revenue staff, the cops, the district bosses to wash off their hands. This is not governance. Such actions by the minister erode credibility of the administration as a whole when an illegal activity goes on right under the nose of the governing apparatus. And what is the action taken against rowdies who manhandled the JDA Tehsildar? Such lawlessness has no sanctity in any democratic set-up. One more disturbing aspect pertains to construction without approval of the Municipality which is busy these days in bulldozing illegal constructions and encroachments. It is high time that whatever construction is raised on somebody's land without any maps or approval from the concerned is razed to the ground and status quo ante restored. After all just recently even a cabinet minister's structure was bulldozed while vehicles of the other minister's private business seized for evasion of sale tax payment. The habit of washing dirty linen in public obviously blemishes the image of the entire governing set-up.

It is time that Chief Minister effectively intervenes to restore status quo ante, take stern action against all those who violated every law of the land in most blatant fashion which also includes a minister. Such ministerial misadventures and feuds must be stopped and it is better they are ordered to perform, remove peoples grievances and become law abiding ministers and not law-usurpers.

CM'S ULTIMATUM

Serving of an ultimatum on the police for nabbing the killers of National Conference Block President Mohd Ramzan Wani is quite belated but welcome. He is not the first NC stalwart or cadre to be killed in this sordid manner. There have been many innocent citizens brutally done to death not essentially related to insurgency. It seems there are many types of killers these days and as many factors that motivate them to cut short the lives of citizens and responsible political functionaries. It has been within the knowledge of the powers that be that NC functionaries remain the prime target of forces hostile to present dispensation. The motive remains settling personal scores, not doing things at their behest or becoming instrumental in causing damage to their cause. To that extent it continues to be security failure at a time when tall claims are being made that only foreign mercenaries are yet operating while indigenous militants stand neutralised. There is thus a question mark asto the number of gun-wielders and ruthless killers who continue to operate with gay abandon. This implies possession of illegal guns which continue to generate fear psychosis amongst the hapless citizens. One of the motives of the killers could also be to create fear amongst the masses as also deter the NC workers from performing their political activities. When one blames security forces, the major portion of such lapse must be shared by the State police and thanedar of the area in which the killing takes place. One takes it that State police is not only functional at thana level but there is no reason why the killers remain unidentified and un-nabbed. Thanedar of the area is supposed to know not only his men but also the 'characters' in his jurisdiction who wield guns and threaten peace of the area through mindless killings.

Chief Minister's ultimatum should serve the purpose and one hopes that killers would be nabbed within the stipulated period. However, one question remains and it must be taken cognisance of. Why only special team is constituted to nab the murderers within seven days in this case or else get packing orders. Why lives of other citizens similarly brutalised are considered less consequential. It is the duty of any State worth its salt to safeguard life and property of every citizen. To that extent every thana and every thanedar has to react fast enough to avoid ultimatums form the CM besides earning the wrath of the people who want peace at any cost. The fact remains that hardly any killer is nabbed and all this is allowed to lapse as one of those things associated with insurgency. It is time that accountability at all levels becomes a rule rather than exception and for every such mindless killing, special team must be constituted and killers booked within seven days.

Saddam's survival serves Clinton well
By : S K Singh

It used to be called damage containment. In the new politically correct terminology it should rightfully be called event management. The biggest event manager in business is the White House, with a full-fledged special effects department as well. This much has been obvious in the past few years. In its previous incarnation, the White House used to act as a caterer to get together world leaders for the biggest blind dates in political history.

Currently, what is in its interest, however, is to make sure that Saddam Hussein remains in the headlines long enough. In that sense, Bill Clinton needs Saddam Hussein around almost as much as he does not require Monica Lewinsky. Any longer, that is. Saddam is at best convenient and at worst an irritant that is to be tolerated. Remove Saddam Hussein from the scene and the entire rationale for the pre-positioning of troops and equipment in the Gulf region as well as the constant cries emanating from Washington that Saddam is a destabilising influence begins to unravel. Saddam serves various useful policy purposes for the United States.

So long as he is there, but boxed in there, it is possible for the United States to sell the idea that the danger posed to the region's security is clear and present. This danger has a legitimate expression only in the limited- and vastly diminished terms of transborder aggression. So far, the men and material moved by the United States do not suggest that what we are about to witness is another Operation Desert Shield. The troop levels are way too low. Once again, inspectors have returned to Baghdad, yet, there is tough talk from Washington. Does it mean that Saddam's days are seriously numbered?

At one level, by deploying all that sophisticated military hardware, there is an impression gaining ground that what is about to be unleashed will be definitive, if inspectors certify that Saddam has stored harmful nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. It is a bit like mobilising bazookas and feather-seeking stinger missiles for a turkey shoot. Calling it disproportionate would be an understatement. What would such a reaction address that can not be addressed through other means. By its own admission, the United Nations Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM) has two major components that need examination. One is the identification and elimination of prescribed weapons, and their means of delivery. This is commonly referred to as the mother of all resolutions. Resolution 687. The second is designing and implementing a system for ongoing monitoring and verification of Iraq to prevent it from acquiring prohibited items again (Resolution 715). There is also Resolution 1051, which approved the mechanism for monitoring relevant Iraqi imports and exports, pursuant to Resolution 715.

Just before he became Sweden's Ambassador to the United States, Rolf Ekeus, who was for six years the Executive Chairman of UNSCOM was asked how long, in his opinion, given the ground reality in Iraq, he saw a need for UNSCOM's continued monitoring of Iraqi weapons potential. He replied that even it UNSCOM and the IAEA at a given moment in the future could report that all prescribed items had been identified and eliminated, the monitoring of Iraq's dual-use capabilities would be necessary for many years thereafter. Ekeus was asked if the nature of Iraq's weapons programme was simply a reflection of Saddam Hussein's determination to pursue such programmes or did he believe there are political and institutional factors present in Iraq that might induce a future government to seek similar capabilities. Ekeus replied that it was highly doubtful that any alternative Iraqi leadership would continue to pursue such a programme, given the ramifications in political and financial terms alone.

These two responses are relevant as they indicate the kind of time-frame and the situation within which the UNSCOM seeks to function. If there is a reasonable determination that Saddam Hussein, per se, is the root of all problems in the region, what prevents his removal from the scene? The United States has previously taken the position that assassination was not an option that was legally tenable. At the same time, it has taken recourse to bombing and other allied activities with the implicit acknowledgement that if Saddam becomes collaterally damaged in the process, too bad- he got in the way.

This would detract from the personalised nature of the animous against Saddam. He is the target, and yet at the same time he is allowed to survive, again and again,. Does Saddam serve some purpose then? After all, what better blueprint to keep Saddam pinned and wriggling than the one UNSCOM works on? The long-term assessments of the scope and ramifications of the UNSCOM instrumentality that has been put in place shows that is has worked better than any disciplinary bombing. There is no better alternative in sight. And certainly, Iraq's periodic attempts to break out of UNSCOM's control mechanisms can be handled through means other than bombing. The minute Saddam Hussein is removed from the scene, the focus would automatically move on the paragraph 14 of the ceasefire resolution, which provides that the arms control arrangements in relation to Iraq should be seen as steps towards the establishment in the region of a zone free of weapons of mass destruction.

This brings us back to the riddle of the Middle East peace process, which is still fragile, notwithstanding the accord between Arafat and Netanyahu. The logical conclusion of any genuine peace process in the region would have to address the question of nuclear weapons, and not in Iraq alone. There is no perceivable interest or determination within Washington to address the interim questions involving the nitty gritty of even the run up to the final status talks. There is a perfectly good reason for this, and this bears repeated reiteration. More than half of President Clinton's re-election funds reportedly came from Jewish sources. That amounts to a personal hypothecationof the President of the United States, whoever he may be. On the one hand, we are witnessing a dubious progress in terms of resolution of the Iraq conflict and on the other a peace process in the grip of an enduring paralysis. Movement on one serves to distract attention from the lack of movement on the other.

Which is why it is arguable that Saddam will continue to prove useful to the United States, not only in terms of scaremongering among the GCC countries, but also in terms of taking attention away from the more difficult ground the peace process is yet to traverse. It would anyway be convenient to have Saddam around till the next presidential elections are over.

The alternative to containment of Saddam requires too much hard work, too much real diplomacy, and the imponderables such a move would introduce into the region would be far too many to be controlled effectively. This would demolish the structures assiduously built up for event management in the Persian Gulf. In that sense, the worst long-term nightmare for the American President is the accidental death of Saddam Hussein. (INAV)

Development and welfare of children
By: Mr. K. K. Mam

All through history, the child has been the subject of love, care and appreciation. In literature, arts and religion, children and childhood have been depicted in terms which raised sublime thought's, deep emotion and divine sentiments. In the past not much attention has been paid by society and Government because children were seldom subjected to violence, abuse and exploitation. Childhood has been universally acknowledged as precious and privileged irrespective of colour, race, religion or sex.

The two world wars and a series of conflicts in different regions followed by unprecedented human sufferings and cruelties suddenly changed the situation the world over. The children were left to mend themselves in the game of power and politics. They were exposed to a variety of abuses and exploitation which hardly received the attention of Law and Government in the competitive, aggressive and industrial society.

Children find love, nourishment, sense of belongingness though their families. Inspite of economic and social hardships the poor families are able to fulfill their responsibilities to the children which implies that family care is the best care for development and welfare of children. Unfortunately, many children find themselves in vulnerable conditions of not being able to get the family care. Some have no family at all or are completely separated from it. Some belong to a family that has been traumatised natural or man made, poverty, family disintegration or other causes. Still others are neglectful or abused families that have become threat to their welfare instead of protection and care. These children are "children in especially difficult circumstances." All of these children require assistance and protection.

In the recent years many people who are concerned with children have become aware of the changing world conditions of these vulnerable children. There have been many deliberations, declarations both at International and National level. The World's declaration on the survival, protection and development of children was agreed to at the world's summit on children on 30th September 1998. A plan of action for implementing specific actions for child survival, protection and development, follow-up actions and monitor were framed. On 22nd August 1974 a resolution by the National policy for children, Government of India talks of its goals, policies and measures, priority in programme formulation, Constitution of National Children's Board, role of voluntary agencies, legislative and administrative action and people's participation. Even with all these efforts we still find many many children in distress who need a home a place where they are cared for.

The important issues of child development are related to nutrition, day care and preschool education, early stimulation and other activities intended to ensure the child's social and mental development during the formative years. We need to take note of the problems faced by orphan, abandoned, destitute, working and street children. We need to promote child's survival and development as a single concept realising that the two goals are found together.

Children need protection from direct threats to their life, health and development. Child abuse which includes physical abuse, physical neglect, mental abuse and neglect and sexual abuse due to growing urbanisation, migration and poverty. Children especially in difficult circumstances which cover orphan, destitute and needy children suffer physically and mentally. One can read this message of suffering in their eyes, gestures and their actions. They hardly say anything in words or demand their right as declared by convention on the right of the child. It is for all of us to see and ensure that no child undergoes such trauma because the result of children growing in such circumstances without family care usually make bad citizens of the nation. It is therefore wise to take early precaution for the better future of our Nation.

Some of the steps which could be taken as working principles for better development and welfare of children are:

* Protection against threats of despair, the exploitation of working children and the hazardous environment of street children.

* Prevention should be the priority to reduce destitution and children failing victim to such dangers. For this community based projects can help in retension of separation of children from families by creating income generation activities for women to protect women disintegration.

* Action within family and community structures including the extending family should be encouraged rather than institutional approaches. The family concept need to be strengthened.

* The child must be treated as a whole person fulfilling his or her social, emotional and physical needs.

* Extension of existing services like primary health care, non-formal education, vocational training, women's programmes etc must be encouraged.

* Efforts need to be made to increase awareness of the situations of these needy children through the mass media, and use of community resources. The community need to be sensitised to the mental and physical hardships faced by the needy children for their survival.

* Efforts should be made for using Government programmes which help in the development of these needy children.

* Specific education should be directed to the following intervenes:

a) Implementation of legislation, which usually become statements, the lives of the children who are in difficult situations would become effective only when the legislation is implemented to their objectives. The state level medium is necessary to ensure the implementation of child related legislation.

b) Public education is required through media. Newspapers, internet services need to be taped to disseminated information on the issues for the awareness of these needy children.

c) NGO's need to have a good rapport with these children and be equipped with necessary knowledge, commitment, experties and resource. This should be supported by the welfare departments in order to strengthen them and their programmes.

d) The quality of services in child care institutions both at Government and non Government organisations need to be ensured for children's proper growth and development.

It is the time to increase our sensitivity and commitment to proper actions for children in difficult circumstances. It is quite appropriate that Jammu & Kashmir State would lead the way through policies, programmes and actions for providing better care to the children in especially difficult circumstances. It would be more effective if the co-ordination between social welfare department, NGO's communities and individuals interest in the welfare of the children is made proper continuous and effective.

(The author is Director SOS Children's Village)

Muslims in post-Independence India
By: Maulana Wahiduddin Khan

At the request of certain educated Muslims and non-Muslims of Pune, I addressed a common gathering on November 6, 1991 on a topic of their choice, namely, 'Muslims in post-Independence India.'

In preparation for this, I had to assess the Muslim condition from two different angles-the economic and the religious. As is my wont, I began to investigate the subject in a purely objective way. After considerable research, I discovered that, quite contrary to common belief, the Muslims' lot has appreciably improved since partition in 1947. In fact, I found that any Muslim I picked out for assessment, or any Muslim settlement I made the subject of my research, was clearly in a better State than in the past.

It is true that Muslims are faced with certain problems and difficulties. But this should not be made not an issue, considering that in this world it is hardly possible to have a completely problem-free life. A problem-free situation should not, therefore, be set up as the criterion by which to judge the condition of a group or community. It must be borne in mind that God's law for this world provides for difficulties and ease to exist side by side at all times. If this were not so, life's struggle would cease altogether. And a society bereft of struggle would no longer spawn living individuals; it would instead become the graveyard of the intellect.

Given this State of affairs, the Muslim condition cannot be judged by utopian standards, it should be judged rather by a set of realistic criteria based on what is patently possible. In the course of my research, I gave little credence to articles on the subject published in Muslim journals and newspapers. Instead , I attempted to form an independent opinion based on my own knowledge and findings. My search led me to conclusions quite the contrary of the story that is constantly repeated about the Muslims, as if it were an axiom.

First of all., I went into the conditions of those misters and maulvis who are held to be the representatives of the Muslims in modern times. I found that each one of them-most of them are known to me directly or indirectly-had considerably improved his position in life after 1947. All leaders without exception, whether secular or religious, had a better standard of living than they had enjoyed prior to Independence.

Then I assessed the position of my own, very large family. Again I found that all my relatives were in a far better State than hitherto. Then I looked at the Muslims in the various localities of my own hometown and in other cities too where I have stayed for some time, and still frequently visit. My observation of the Muslims living there again revealed that almost everyone has improved his standard of living in the post-independence era.

I spent several weeks investigating matters relating to this topic. Finally, I came to the conclusion that in the post-1947 era, Muslims have clearly made progress in this country. They are, today, in a far better State than before.

During this period of research, I visited a Muslim acquaintance of mine who was born in a village in a farmer's family. After completing his education, he went on to become a gazetted officer. We often used to meet a few years ago, and each time he would complain that bias and prejudice in India left no opportunity for Muslims to progress. He would say, 'Just look at me. I have been an officer here in this department for several years, but I have never been promoted. The Hindu lobby bars the way to my advancement.'

After an interval of three years, I went to see him at his home. He had previously lived in a flat, but was lodged in a spacious bungalow with guards and a host of servants. About ten acres of land with several different crops growing on it surrounded the bungalow, adding to its magnificence. I learnt that over the past two years he had several promotions and was now a very highly placed officer. It was due to his high position that he had now been allotted this palatial bungalow.

I stayed with him for about two hours, during which time he made frequent references-of course, with pride-to his bungalow, his post and so on. A few years prior to this, everytime we met, he would speak only of prejudice. Now he spoke only of his own greatness. It was this experience which made me understand the basic deficiency which has kept Muslims unaware of the actual State of affairs in the country. It is purely and simply the inability to recognise and come to grips with reality.

In life, there are good things. When an individuals receives his share of the bad things-one of life's realities: he begins to complain about being the victim of prejudice. But when he receives his share of the good things, he considers this the result of his own capability and endeavour, and thus falls a prety to pride. He neither acknowledges the benefits he enjoys as a divine blessing, for which he should be grateful to God, nor does he look to his own shortcomings as the reason for his lack of success. In this way, he fails to see either the positive or the negative situation from the correct angle.

What is worse is that he is highly vocal about his deprivations, while remaining silent about his share of God's material blessings. So that if the gains are never mentioned (whether or not they are appreciated as God's gifts) and only deprivations are emphasised, Muslim successes will be never public knowledge.

Regular attempts are made to prove that Indian Muslims suffer deprivation by quoting statistics on their minimal recruitment to Government services. An English monthly, brought out in Delhi by Muslims, publishes data in almost every issue, which gives the figure of two per cent as the Muslims share in public offices. It is held that with this very low percentage of recruitment, Muslims are grossly under-represented in the country's administration in terms of the proportion they made up of the national population, i.e., twelve per cent.

Arguments based on this data appear to be logically compelling, but the data itself leaves certain factors out of account, such as the backwardness of Muslims at the college and university levels of education. Eligibility for admission to Government service requires candidates to be degree-holders from institutes of high learning, but the oft-quoted statistics make no mention of the fact that very few Muslim degree holders come forward to seek Government posts.

Another factor left unstressed by these statistics is the composition of the Muslim twelve per cent of the population. About half of this percentage is accounted for by women. That means that about half of the potential workforce is permanently out of the picture, because Muslim traditions are against women going out to work in Government offices. In this way, half of the Muslim population is automatically deleted from the list of recruits of Government service. This leaves 10 per cent, but from that we have to subtract another 3 percent made up of those who are insufficiently educated. The two per cent ratio of Muslims in Government services, albeit extremely low, does not then appear totally injustifiable. However, Government services are no criterion to guage the material prosperity of a community in a free, developing society.

There are at least two definite reasons for this. One, that the issue of recruitment to the services is related to the Government, and the wielders of power have always taken into account their own political interests in the allotment of posts in the services. Even if these rulers are personally sincere, they adopt, due to national and international consideration, a policy in regard to Government service where the basis of decision-making is not simply prospering of a balance between the different communities making up the population, but the concessions are made to political imperatives. This is a State which exists in all societies and under all Government systems.

For instance, the Sindhi Muslims of Pakistan complain that, in the Central Government services, the Punjabi Muslims are over-represented, while they themselves have fewer posts than their ratio would actually warrant. In Iraq, most of the high Government posts are given to Shiites so that Sunis are mostly deprived of them. This same State of Affairs exists in most Muslims countries in one way or another.

In India, too, such disparities exist at various levels. However, they do not exist only between Hindus and Muslims, but also between Hindus and Hindus. For instance, in appointments to high Government posts, members of the Brahmin caste far outstrip Hindus of other castes. Similarly, the English-educated class bags more Government posts than the Hindi-educated class. Muslims, for various reasons, also find themselves at a disadvantage, but this is a problem which is common to most groups and does not affect the Muslim alone.

Perhaps a more telling point is that Government service relates more to the processes of administration than to economics, accounting as it does for a mere two per cent of the distribution of the country's economic resources. There is a much vaster field outside the administration in which people may earn a good living. Therfore, if a group is only marginally represented in Govt. services, it does not necessarily follow that it must remain economically deprived. There are innumerable fields open to those seeking employment, and it is quite possible that once they enter them, they may find them more lucrative than even the highest Government posts.

Many historical examples can be cited in support of this viewpoint. One example in the recent past is the high level of prosperity attained by the Hindus in the erstwhile State of Hyderabad, despite the marked preference shown to Muslims in the allocation of Government posts. This was because the Hindus had captured the fields of commerce and industry throughout the State. By engaging themselves in commercial pursuits they gained a far better economic position than they could ever have expected from positions in the administration.

I have come to the conclusion, therefore, that the economic position of Indian Muslims should be judged not just by their ratio in Government services, but by their success (or failure) in the spheres of commerce, industry, science and education. Mere representation in Government services is no criterion by which to gauge their true economic worth-CNF

 

 

 

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