EDITORIAL

ASSERTIVE PM

There are enough of indications to suggest that Prime Minister A B Vajpayee has at last decided to become assertive. He appears to be in quite buoyant mood to say things and do it which is the prerogative of any Prime Minister in democratic set-up. One can divide recent announcements/actions into three distinct compartments namely J&K, ...... more

FILM CENSORSHIP

It is ironical that many films cleared by the Censor Board continue to cause heartburns, violence and large scale resentment. The latest film to join this bandwagon of being highly explosive and controversial is 'Fire' which has led to abortion of its screening. It is not the question of ideology, individual conceptualisation or touching religious susceptibilities of the public. The all , ...more

National Security council:
How effective?

By: Saumitra Mohan

The National Security Council (NSC) has finally come ......more

Tardy pace of reforms
and NRI investment

By: M. N. Minocha

The Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, has outlined the facilities proposed to be extended ....more

War of attrition between
Sangh Parivar and its
adversaries

From B L Kak

A disturbing scenario has emerged, with the Sangh Parivar crossing swords with ,......more

Saving our economy
from foreign assault

By S. V. Vaidyanathan

A country has many defining moments in its history...
more

EDITORIAL

ASSERTIVE PM

There are enough of indications to suggest that Prime Minister A B Vajpayee has at last decided to become assertive. He appears to be in quite buoyant mood to say things and do it which is the prerogative of any Prime Minister in democratic set-up. One can divide recent announcements/actions into three distinct compartments namely J&K, national and international. There is enough of evidence to suggest that Vajpayee is not only wiser by the recent debacle in the assembly elections but also watchful of the activities of Sangh Parivar besides the alliance partners.

The J&K two day visit at a time when Parliament is in session shows the priority he accords to the troubled State despite very busy routine. The fact that he has chosen to visit almost all border areas from Kargil to Hiranagar which have persistently remained exposed to firing from across the border causing immense hardships to the people of border areas shall equip him fully to understand Pak game plan and how best it could be neutralised. It also reassures the hapless border people that Government is alive to their problems and that everything possible will be done to mitigate their hardships caused by frequent dislocation from their hearths and homes. Interaction with troops raises their morale sky-high and personal appraisal of their onerous task being done under heavy odds shall always remain uppermost in his mind.

By far the greatest and most significant element of his visit pertains to making it amply clear that Article 370 granting special status to the State remains in place and none should nurse any apprehensions on this score. This means those trying to foment trouble and engage in destabilising moves stand humbled as Prime Minister is very firm on sticking to National Agenda which has excluded tempering with Article 370. To that extent bonds of relationship at the personal level between Farooq and Vajpayee are on firm footing and both are all decided to do everything possible to help each other at all levels. This stands substantiated with Prime Minister desiring to help the State ride over its financial problems to the extent possible for which State functionaries are being called to Delhi during current month for further discussion. During the last 8 months of BJP rule, the bail-out for the State has been more than what any other predecessor Government did in such a short span. Yet another point mentioned by him relates to opening of Kailash route via Ladakh which would be a boon for tourism in the cold desert in particular. Lastly, he minces no words that there is no question of converting LoC as international border and that Parliaments resolution on J&K is the last word on it which clearly States that entire J&K including POK is integral part of India. This in fact tells Farooq not to rake up such formalisation of LoC frequently as it has many ramifications.

At the national level Prime Minister has never been so assertive during the last 8 months as during the last 8 days. By inducting three of his confidants in the cabinet despite opposition and pressure from the RSS, he tells them finally that either he is functioning as the Prime Minister with least interference or he would prefer to quit. Jaswant, Mahajan and Jagmohan are three valuable additions who are filling up important vacant slots. This would not only reduce the burden on him but gives correct direction to take the country forward. By snubbing RSS hardcores within the party he leaves no doubt in anybody's mind about his capacity and capability to rule. Another aspect reiterated by him with full force pertains to protection of minorities and following the secular agenda in its totality and not as per whims and fancies of Sangh Parivar which frequently undo what the PM do. This is as well an assurance to the alliance partners that national agenda of secularism as enshrined in the constitution remains in place and none would be allowed to temper with it. As regards prices, it is to be seen that cabinet committee on prices which was earlier headed by Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha is now led by Prime Minister himself. That shows the concern for the common man which has remained exposed to unprecedented rise in prices of essential commodities.

At the international level, Prime Minister Vajpayee tells Pakistan very clearly to let the status quo in J&K be maintained while taking the agenda of trade and commerce forward. This means no compromise on respective stands and implies freezing of borders like India-China border. Prime Minister is indeed encouraged and one can take it as diplomatic victory when Clinton rejects Sharif's line of approach of linking signing of CTBT to resolve of Kashmir imbroglio. Clinton administration has put its foot down that there is simply no co-relation between these two link-ups. Likewise Clinton tell Sharif clearly that American mediation is ruled out unless India desires it that way. Otherwise, bilateralism should continue addressing to all the contentious issues between India and Pakistan. Likewise, Clinton has refused to give any more economic or military aid to Pakistan unless it follows the IMF and Non-Proliferation concerns positively without ingress of any extraneous issues.

Assuring alliance partners of more and appropriate representation in the Union Cabinet after the winter session, he has not allowed the current cabinet expansion to become sour issue. One hopes that henceforth it is going to be meaningful Governance with people friendly policies to retrieve the lost ground in terms of popularity with masses. It is the most apt democratic response to the mistakes and faux pas of the recent past that caused immense resentment amongst the people.

FILM CENSORSHIP

It is ironical that many films cleared by the Censor Board continue to cause heartburns, violence and large scale resentment. The latest film to join this bandwagon of being highly explosive and controversial is 'Fire' which has led to abortion of its screening. It is not the question of ideology, individual conceptualisation or touching religious susceptibilities of the public. The all important question revolves round avoiding such things which lead to riotous situation resulting in immense loss to those who produce and finance the films. The question again crops up whether the censor people are really doing their job. Sometime scripts have been referred even to Court's intervention and restraints. This State has also experienced violent protests over some objectionable scenes in the film 'Kuchh Kuchh Hota Hai' which brought Kathua in limelight as also one of the nerve Centres that can generate enough of heat over such trivial matters which should have been left to the Censor Board whose primary job is to see that none is hurt. Films are for education, entertainment and of course money-making for some. Recently, there was that awful experience of 'Major Sahib' being objected to as reflecting untruth of real soldiers training life and other diversions. This Amitabh Bachchan production and starrer was ultimately cleared only after top brass of the Army found it in order. There was that awful experience of that song, 'Choli Ke Peechhe Kaya' which too cast aspersions on the credibility of Censor Board as regards vulgarity. Censor Board needs refinement if not total revamp with more clear guidelines than hithertofore.

National Security council: How effective?
By: Saumitra Mohan

The National Security Council (NSC) has finally come into be-ing after more than a decade on the anvil. The three-tier NSC to be headed by the Prime Minister is supposed to undertake an array of complex tasks pertaining to national security management and linking it to the country's overall development process. But one wonders how effective it would be without full-time professional analysts to help it along.

It was Rajiv Gandhi who first experimented in 1985 with a variant of NSC, by setting up a committee named "Policy Planning Committee on National Security.'' A few ministers including two Chief Ministers, officials and non-officials were designated as members.

The Chairman, Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC), was made the secretary. Mooted by Arun Singh, then Minister of State for Defence, this predecessor of NSC which could have successfully performed the role of a think-tank, decision-maker, policy arbitrator and performance-monitor died an early death since conventional channels of decision-making like Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) and the Committee of Secretaries (CoS) were already available.

After that V P Singh Government's NSC, which included a multi-member advisory group, did not take off since no one was clear on its functioning. As a compromise, the Narasimha Rao Government set up a "security Strategy Group'' to include the service chiefs also, who were not part of the decision-making process earlier, but nothing like NSC came up more because of clamour from retired civil and military officers.

The NSC also featured in the present coalition Government's national agenda for governance following which a task force to go into various aspects of an NSC was formed in April this year under the chairmanship of former defence minister K C Pant.

The task force submitted a detailed report on June 26. The present NSC is based on its recommendations.

Headed by the Prime Minister, the high-powered panel will have the home minister, the defence minister, the external affairs minister and the deputy chairman of the Planning Commission as its members. It will have a three-tier structure. Principal Secretary to the PM will be the national security advisor and channel for servicing the council.

The Joint Intelligence Committee which is to be revamped to suit the demands of its new role. Satish Chandra, India's high commissioner to Pakistan has been appointed as its chairman.

The Strategic Policy Group will be strengthened and will provide inter-ministerial coordination and back-up for the council. It will comprise the Cabinet Secretary and the union secretaries from the departments concerned including external affairs, home, defence, finance, revenue and defence production besides three service chiefs, the Reserve Bank of India governor and the director, Intelligence Bureau.

The present structure combines the two posts of secretary to the Prime Minister and the National Security Advisor. Both are full time jobs and are quite taxing. Combining the two posts will result in either or both tasks not being managed effectively. Since the secretaryship to the PM involves day-to-day running of the Government, it is likely that the long term planning in national security management is bound to suffer in the proposed dispensation.

The Strategic Policy Group is an expanded secretaries' committee. It can only make generalist comments on papers produced by others and can't by itself do any original work.

It is to carry out a strategic defence review, then there must be a group of experts who should produce a draft on which the secretaries can make non-specialist observations. It is not quite clear which structure will do that basic work. This is not very different from the present procedure.

The Government has fallen back on the eight-year-old proposal by the V P Singh Government of converting the JIC into an NSC secretariat. This confirms that this Government like all its predecessors can't appreciate that national security planning must start with a long-range intelligence assessment made by professionals.

By making JIC secretariat, the long-term intelligence assessment is bound to be neglected and the strategic defence review will not have any solid foundation on long-term assessments but will be a collection of ad hoc views of individuals. The Government's attitude towards intelligence assessment is evident from the post of chairman, JIC being left vacant for nearly a year.

There is mention of a National Security Advisory Board comprising persons of eminence outside the Government covering expertise in various fields. They are to meet once a month and more frequently as required. They are to provide long-term prognoses and analyses for NSC and recommend solutions and policy options. It is not clear whether they will be full-time or part-time functionaries.

Unless they are constituted into a single coherent body and made full-time staff, they will not be able to discharge their functions effectively. If that is done, the person who heads the board, will be the key person in national security planning. Such a person will have to be of the rank of secretary to the Government and have adequate background in national security affairs. One wonders whether in the set up proposed one could expect him to be independent and not tailor his views to align with those of his seniors who will advance his career.

As envisaged, the pioneering national security advisership is not the best way to initiate a modern and efficient national security management structure, however meritorious, competent, knowledgeable and dedicated the incumbent may be. A major blind spot of the official Indian midset concerns the axiomatic truth that centralisation of authority degrades effective exercise of power.

Successive Indian leaderships have failed to nurture modern management concepts such as power-sharing and responsibility, delegation and team work for common goals and objectives.

The purpose of setting up the NSC was to purge the present system of ad hocism in decision-making and replace it with a collegiate, deliberative and information-based approach. This aim would be defeated by centralisation, generalist supremacy, rigid hierarchy and bureaucratic circumambulation which are the basic defects of the proposed structure.

It is not known whether this decision was arrived at after an informed deliberation in the cabinet committee, or was taken by the Prime Minister alone.

The JIC was shifted from the jurisdiction of the chiefs of staff committee and made an autonomous assessment body in the cabinet secretariat in 1965, after it became clear that the 1962 debacle was the result not of absence of intelligence but of a failure to assess the regular inflow of data.

However, the tendency of intelligence agencies to withhold information from the committee, and the inability of the ministers and senior civil servants to appreciate that long-range intelligence assessments are essential inputs for policy making, combined to undermine the efficacy of the arrangement.

A cardinal principle in national security decision-making is not to mix up responsibilities for intelligence assessment and policy making; one process influencing the other to the detriment of optimal decision-making. The assessors must have access to all available intelligence and should be free to reach their own conclusions without any external pressures.

Most countries have highly equipped professional analysts continually on the job. Despite the dawn of the information age our politicians and bureaucrats have yet to realise the need for assessed intelligence. This refusal to learn is rooted in the endemic authoritarian style of official functioning, marked by an unwillingness to submit to the discipline of information, expertise and reasoned decision-making. All this is reflected in converting the JIC into a secretariat.

As the NSC and its supporting structure are being set up under an executive order, one can only hope that further improvements and amendments will be possible taking constructive suggestions into account.—PTI Feature

Tardy pace of reforms and NRI investment
By: M. N. Minocha

The Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, has outlined the facilities proposed to be extended under the PIO card scheme to woo investment in the core sector of the economy. Some prominent NRIs like S P Hinduja pleaded to speed up the economic reforms process, and take bold measures such as slash the government employees to half and undertake aggressive public sector disinvestment to attract foreign investment which has declined from $78 billion in 1993-94 to $24 billion last fiscal.

India's economic reform process is passing through a vicious phase. It is a part of the legacy as at one time it was fashionable to describe oneself as socialst. An effort at product emergence of different brands of socialism such as Fabian socialism, democratic, socialism, market socialism, Trotskyism, Marxian socialism, syndicalsim and even anarchism.

Around late fifties and early sixties when the rest of the world began to develop doubts about the blessings of socialism, the word socialism seems to have caught on in India. In the wake of Nagpur Congress, resolutions on cooperative farming and socialistic pattern seems of society, more and more Congressmen began to affirm their allegiance to the socialist faith.

With the passing of Amritsar Congress resolution on socialist society, this process gained further momentum. As opposition parties like communists and PSP were already committed to socialist faith, all political parties in India seemed to be competing with one another in establishing their credentials to act as standard bearers of this faith. In this milieu, it was not difficult to incorporate this new creed into the Constitution and declare from roof-tops that we are socialists now. The Swatantra party, which came into being in the wake of emerging statist tendencies, made its presence felt onthe political scene for a while. However, it couldn't take firm roots and thus disappeared in due course.

The adoption of the goal of socialist society has not led to any lessening of inequalities in income and wealth. However, it had two consequences: Expansion of the public sector and proliferation of controls and regulations. Enormous investment sunk in the public sector could not yield commensurate results. The economy was bedevilled by unemployment, inflation and continuing pressures on the balance of payments. The foreign investment flows virtually began to wane.

The recognition of the harm that this licence-permit raj was causing to the growth process led the Government to make some moves in the direction of relaxing some of restrictive regulations in eighties. But it didn't go very far in this direction in view of the ideological inhibitions.

At the beginning of the 90s, foreign exchange reserves were not sufficient even to pay for a couple of weeks. The extreme compression of imports couldn't help to retrieve the situation in the context of the capital flight engendered by the downgrading of India's credit rating.

At that juncture, the government had no option but to accept the stiff conditionalities attached to the balance of payments support provided by IMF. As this financial support was provided over a time in instalments, the Government was subject to strict monitoring by the IMF in respect of implementation of agreed-upon structural adjustment and stabilisation programme.

It must be conceded that the measures initiated under this policy package had a dramatic impact on India's balance of payments consequent to the improvement in capital inflows as well as with the cessation of capital outlows. This is a welcome development for a country which had to impose severe exchange restrictions so as to maintain solvency on external account. With the improvement in foreign exchange reserves. Dr Manmohan Singh, the then Finance Minister, not only announced the introduction of covertibility on current account but also committed to extend this to capital account in due course.

Encouraged by the Improvements in the Government Finance, Dr Manmohan Singh announced his resolve to discontinue the practice of financing the Government's expenditure through the issue of ad hoc treasury bills, and thus enforce fiscal discipline.

The growth in industry which was affected in the initial years consequent to the macro-stabilisation programme, picked up in due course. Exports also witnessed an unprecedented expansion during the period from 1993-94 to 1995-96. During the same period, capital market showed unusual buoyancy in both the primary and secondary segments.

Thus, the launching the liberalised economic policy regime in early 90s could be noticed in almost in every sector. These developments virtually created an euphoria in favour of economic liberalism. Thus, almost political party excepting the Left began to affirm its allegiance to reform process. In due course, even the Left somewhat grudgingly conceded the need for undertaking public sector restructuring as well as for foreign direct investment.

The divergence of political beliefs is not a hurdle in the way of economic reforms, as successive governments declared their resolve to carry forward the reform process. Thus, we are all liberals; yet the reform process lost its momentum long back.

In the initial years, committees were appointed to set the course for banking and insurance sector reforms. Though some progress was made to in respect of banking sector reforms, no attempt was made to prune the extent of priority sector credit. Banks couldn't effect any measures to improve the productivity.

It is still worse in respect of insurance sector. Molhotra committee report has been still gathering dust in the vaults of the finance ministry. Even the simple proposal of making 'Insurance Regulatory Authority' (IRA) a statutory body has yet to materialise.

If that is the fate of IRA, things are no better elsewhere. TRAI was set up as statutory body engendering great hopes. Now it transpires, as per the recenet judgement of Delhi High Court that the Act didn't vest the TRAI with any authority in matters of crucial importance. Similarly powers of SEBI are severely constrained, as the ministry of finance has the last word.

A number of legislative measures proposing to recast SICA, Companies Act and Income Tax Act stand frozen. Even a simple measure like repeal of FERA has been taking considerable time. It took years for the Government to amend Electricity Supply Act to make 'transmission' a separate activity.

Despite claims of liberalisation made by the Government, observers of economic policy do not fall to note the tardy pace at which the reforms process has been progressing. No doubt, several of the restrictions have been relaxed. Despite this, the foreign investors continue to perceive India as one of the most regulated economies in the world.

If the economic reform process were to be successful in erasing this perceptions private capital inflows would have been certainly higher than what they were. In that event, the Government could have easily ignored the impact of economic sanctions. It augurs well that the BJP-led government is going ahead to rope in NRIs who contributed substantially to India's Resurgent Bond. (INAV)

Saving our economy from foreign assault
By : S V Vaidyanathan

A country has many defining moments in its history and India is now facing one such moment. Since the nuclear tests in May, there have been attempts to bring India in line with the demands of geo-political forces of capitalism.

History has shown that capitalism cannot survive without the developing world, its huge markets and its huge reserves. Capitalism is an empire by itself not just an economic designer tag. In a book When Corporations Rule the World, David Korten says that ''of the top 100 world economies, 51 are corporations. Two-thirds of the international trade now involves transnational companies and one-third involves trade within a single transnational.'' So when we let such corporations enter our country it is, in a sense, like an alien government coming in and dominating us very subtly.

These geo-political capitalist forces (GPCF) have divided the world into four convenient zones as it were-- the US, Russia, the Islamic states, and Japan. India and China are not included because their economies are not entirely opened to these forces like the other were. The Japanese generally oversaw the south-east Asian countries, it had a symbiotic relationship primarily through exports and imports.

Germany put, after its reunification, large investments into Russia and the US oversaw Latin America, India and China got funds from Japan, the US, IMF and World Bank, but not one of them could really dominate either of the two largest countries in the other were. The foreign institutional investors were welcomed with tremendous advantages over their Indian counterparts.

Before we Indians realised what was happening the West started dumping everything in the name of globalisation- from washing machines and refrigerators to Cartier watches and pens and whiskey into the market. Some of them rode piggyback on Indian corporates to get in but as the economy liberalised they set up 100 per cent owned subsidiaries. The result was over capability in several industries.

The stock market for one saw a harrow son et lumiere show by the FIIs. Their ability to manipulate the market became evident: When they bought, the index went up; and when they sold, the sensex dropped. They could play god with the market which is dominated by bears who have a vested interest in keeping the market bearish.

Most of the stocks that the FIIs own were bought from Indian financial institutions in bulk directly or through brokers. Earlier, the market had floating stocks of just Rs 2000 crores to Rs 3000 crores. After the FIIs came and bought institutional stock as well as stocks inthe market, the market became a little more liquid but the shares in the hands of the FIIs upset the whole balance and gave them tremendous leverage with the index scrips. The result of all this is that the FIIs or any one wanting to destroy the sentimet of the market, create economic panic and chaos, destroy the confidence of the investing market.

The geo-political capitalist forces would like to tame India which, now more than ever under the BJP rule at the Centre, tries to take a nationalist stand. The BJP government is probably the first government in 50 years that has stood up to the United States and the rest of the world and said that it would pursue an independent nuclear policy. There are even second thoughts on India joining the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which is nothing more than a glorified serf of the International Monetary Fund and the US Treasury.

The assault on India's economy was sought to be engineered by the sanctions, but it did not hurt India much. Then came Standard and Poor's act of downgrading India because of the perceived repercussions of the sanctions. That too didn't do much damage. So they decided to hit at India's largest financial institutions and this will be followed next by an assault on India's development banks and nationalised banks. They are the pillars of India's economy.

A broker who is well versed in the techniques of the market tells us of this assault that took place on October 5, which brought down the BSE to its third largest fall of 224 points. He said almost all the pivotals went into lower freeze levels. There was unprecedented panic among market participants, particularly the small investors. This was the first ever attempt to undermine a powerful financial institution with the media and the market working in tandem. It must be remembered that the financial institutions are the only bulwark against huge buying or selling pressures in a market that is devoid of retail investors. On the October 5 attack, this broker describes the machinations: A campaign was initiated of using the disclosure of the NAV of the US-64 Scheme with devastating impact on the market. After planting media reports that there was a huge erosion in the value of the US-64 Scheme portfolio because of the scheme being mismanaged, they proceeded to goad the investor into redeeming his holdings while simultaneously battering the stocks in which the US-64 scheme had large holdings. This fulfilling cycle, said the broker, is a sure fire formula for ensuring a continuous state of panic in the market.

On Tuesday, September 29, the media reports appeared about the low NAV of the US 3.15 pm on that day a first round of hammering of prices was performed followed by a further fall on Wednesday. Thereafter the markets were closed for holidays till October 5.

On October5, Morgan Stanley Asset Management, one of the largest and hyperactive FIIs, resorted to large scale selling of stocks. About a week earlier it had reportedly effected a purchase of stocks of upwards of Rs. 200 crores as a sequal to its upgrading India in their reputed MSCI index. The bears in tandem with, Morgan Stanely also hammered down the stock prices. It circulated rumours that UTI was liquidating four percent of its holdings. The selling, said this broker, was purposely effected in a manner to create disproportionate fall in prices.

The relationship of the bears with the FII can easily be established by Sebi, though there seems to be some reluctance on the part of the regulator to act with alacrity. It seems to be worried more about what the BSE board members will say or what the foreigners will think, abandoning its duties to the investing public.

According to this broker and many others like him who follow the market closely, there is a definite nexus between the bears and the FII. They reportedly work in tandem in effecting sales and purchases. A genuine and sincere probe of the bear cartel transactions, they say, will establish that their selling and purchasing have either frontrun or run in parallel with the transactions of the fund.

For example, the FII has been selling SBI stock for the last six months in bits and pieces at which time the bear cartel has remained heavily short from a level of upwards of Rs. 300 even still today at a level of Rs. 166, thereby making a killing. It was no surprise that a very limited group on October 5 made a killing after designing the fall. These facts are well known in the market. October 5 will not be the last assault. They are preparing the same treatment for banks and Indian FIs which have NAVs as their Achilles' heel.

That is why one says that this is India's defining moment BJP's nationalism will have to have flesh and the party has to take very firm decisions to clean up our prestigious financial institutions. Corruption will have to be weeded out and the politicians will have to stop dipping into the FI funds for themselves or the crony capitalists. Will this Government live up to its claim to national fervour and get down immediately to tackling this job? (INAV)

War of attrition between Sangh Parivar and its adversaries
From B L Kak

A disturbing scenario has emerged, with the Sangh Parivar crossing swords with their adversaries. Significantly, quote a number of these adversaries belong to the Hindu community. And their loaded question: Have the citizens of India to take orders from the Sangh Parivar parties on what books to read, what restaurants to frequent, what games to play, what films to see, what paintings to possess, what theatres to visit, which nations to befriend and what Gods to worship?

These questions just cannot be left unanswered at a time like this when the stage seems to be dawning speedily when law-abiding citizens will have to get clearance from the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) or the Bajrang Dal or the Shiv Sena before undertaking any of the above mentioned activities which in civilised societies are considered to be part of the legitimate exercise of the citizens' fundamental rights and privileges.

All Hindus in the country do not support the VHP and the Bajrang Dal taking the law into their own hands in order to "liberate'' a Hindu-Muslim shrine from "Muslim control''. And all Hindus do not support the Shiv Sena supremo, Mr Bal Thackeray, warning no less a constitutional authority in the country than the Prime Minister himself that Pakistan will not be permitted to play a cricket match anywhere in India and definitely not in Maharashtra.

The Shiv Sainiks targeted the painters, MF Hussain and Jatin Das, for daring to insist on their right to exercise their artistics freedom. Galleries displaying their works were forced to shut down, while Jatin Das was chased by a yelling mob of religious fanatics out for the kill.

There were agitators setting fire to restaurants marketing fried chicken. The Central Government was forced a few years ago to ban the entry of Salman Rushdie's book into the country. The Education Minister of Delhi under the BJP dispensation issued an order prohibiting girl students from wearing skirts and asked them to wear salwar kameez or saries instead.

A couple of years ago, under the orders of Maharashtra's Minister for Culture, Mr Pramod Navalkar, cinema theatres in Mumbai were barred from screening films starring A K Hangal on the grounds that the actor had attended the National Day function at the Pakistani High Commission. The actor himself received threats to his life.

Four months ago, Education Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Mr Ravinder Shukla, issued an executive order for compulsory enforcement in the State's 1,27,000 Government primary schools of the Kalp Yojna reform scheme under which all pupils are required to recite Saraswati Vandana and sing Vande Mataram before going to their class rooms.

When the Muslim cleric, Ali Mian, protested, his house was raided and his library ransacked. And now under the inspiration of Mr Pramod Navalkar, slogan-shouting, stone-throwing Shiv Sena mobs have forced a few cinema theatres in Mumbai to stop the screening of the film fire on the ground that is theme lisbianim-was against "Indian culture and tradition.'' The Minister said that a delegation of the Shiv Sena's women's wing had protested against the screening since the theme of lisbianism is morally offensive and an insult to Indian womanhood.

The Maharashtra Chief Minister, Mr Manohar Joshi, not only supported the protesting demonstrators but congratulated them. Fully justifying the forceful closure of the theatres, Mr Joshi said" "Culture is more important than glorification of art.'' Some Muslim and Christian leaders have informed Prime Minister, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, that the Sangh Parivar groups have been active in many parts of India of late, and particularly in the northeastern States, terrorising Muslim and Christian minorities.

Indeed, it has been alleged that their activities draw inspiration from the Parivar's fanatic assertion of the Hindutva philosophy which often manifests itself in religious, social and political intolerance. From an era when Hindutva parties talked of Indianisation of the polity, people have reached a stage where Governments themselves abet intolerance and condone violation of the laws of the land.

Has the Shiv Sena and the likes of Mr Pramod Navalkar become the custodians of India's culture, tradition and heritage? As the well-known cine director, Mr Mahesh Bhat, has rightly pointed out, the film Fire does not tackle a Western issue but a human issue. The growing attempt at Talibanising India's polity, in the name of preserving Indian tradition and culture, flies against the face of established authority and the concept of a pluralistic society.

True, in certain pockets of the country, groups of Muslim hardliners have already been found by Government sleuths involved in extreme fundamentalist activities to suit the requirements of anti-Indian forces and agencies across the border, particularly the Pakistani ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence). But this does not suggest that all Indian Muslims require to be placed under surveillance.

 

 

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