EDITORIAL
Teething
troubles
Coalition
Governments have been hailed as democracy in
action. At least two former Prime Ministers and a
host of other people are convinced that the
future of the country lies in coalitions. Critics
point out that these are the people who have
benefited from the coalition experiments and that
their brief and uncertain tenures are proof that,
how so the coalition schemes may promote
individual futures, there is no future in there
for the country. The opportunistic nature of the
coalitions that have been clubbed, on the spot,
after a bitter acrimonious wrangle at the polls,
are rarely for the long term good of the country.
At the very least the coalition experiments have
legitimized an unabashed hankering after the
posts and plums of the office. From an
ideological viewpoint the coalitions are a
contradiction of principles, if not in terms
itself. The post-election coalitions, though
sometimes inevitable, are mostly a negation of
the electoral promises and planks. The people who
have been elected to the legislatures on stark,
sometimes rabid, opposition of one anothers
positions gang up to share power. And, never live
happily for a day!
The coalition that
is due to take office shortly in this state is a
mixed bag, at best. The two parties fought the
elections on principles that broadly coincided.
Their opposition to NC, the promise of economic
development and a shared common past made them
friendly fellow travelers. But then, the
unmistakable undercurrent of regional stress in
one and the fine playing out of the imbalance to
the other region by the other, brought in the
conflict. That conflict is easily seen in the
resentment of the people who had voted for the
Congress party, over the final selection of PDP
to head the coalition for the first term. Had it
been otherwise, the votaries of PDP would have
shown the same and similar resentment. That
disaffection is material enough to turn as many
as seventeen MLAs-including a third of the
Congress legislators-bitter opponents of the
final arrangement. Though they have not yet found
ideological points, they can soon discover them,
unless they are mollified in a suitable way.
Experience, with coalition in the country shows
the means for that mollification too, are not
difficult to find.
Of course, these
are routine matters in coalition arrangements.
But the fact remains itd be the first task
the new Government would be called upon to deal
with. And for a State that is promised to be lead
along a path of reconstruction, transparency and
objectivity in governance and administration it
may present problems that can finally distort the
whole scheme. It is also notable that the
opponents, especially the Congressmen, have
voiced serious mistrust of the party that is
going to be their partner in Governance. Given
the enormous tasks, that lie ahead of them, which
would need much trust as well as confidence in
each other intentions and ability, it is
something the Government could have easily done
without. Much, therefore would depend on how the
difference are finally resolved. For, resolved it
would be. But it would be the quality of that
would determine how this Government would govern
and how it'd address issues, how it would
administer and how fulfill its promises.
Duplicity
on terrorism
Some of the latest
developments in West Bengal and Assam, have
shown, how duplicity on fighting terrorism is
helping the terrorists. One is the killing of a
score of people on the Bhutan borders by
suspected Bodo terrorists and the other is the
'information given by the West Bengal Chief
Minister to his cabinet on the
intensification of ISI activities in Bangladesh.
Bhutan and Myanmar. Both are confirmation of
doubts that the, infamous intelligence agency of
Pakistan, which is said to be a law unto itself,
is not only busy creating trouble in the east of
the country but is vastly succeeding in the
effort. There are reports that a large number of
terrorist training camps are operating in the
jungles of the neighboring countries and that
scores of AI-Qaida terrorists were transported
from Karachi to Bangladesh to train terrorist
there. To be fair, the West Bengal Chief Minister
has been clear about the rising influence of
terrorism in his State, their links and feeding
lines. As in the past, he has informed the Center
about the seriousness of the situation. But it is
his own party bosses in Delhi who he must inform
and convince about this patent threat, to the
State and nation.
The Assam Chief
Minister is yet to speak out. Talking of
terrorism it is significant that the Congress
Partys opposition to POTA was voiced at the
meeting of Congress Chief Ministers at Gawahati.
That venue must have been chosen with careful
consideration of the effect of voicing opposition
to an anti-terrorism bill in one of the State
that has been in the eye of the storm for long
and still continued to be affected by terrorism.
The point, apparently sought to be proved, was
that if this State could do without a drastic
law, others too can and should. The point that
emerges is the state hasnt done all so well
against terrorism, the ISI is happily fishing in
the muddied waters of the State. And, now to the
various north east agitating organization being
allegedly under the ISI tutelage, has been added
the agitation for Kamatipur State in the north of
West Bengal. That, in fact, is what has been the
immediate cause of concern in Kolkata. Sadly,
while the local issues, and the terrorists
misusing them for their designs moves the
Governments and parties, the larger national
perspective is not so very apparent in
determining the politics of even the major
parties. Yet, in every bit-agitation and
part-disaffection it is the nation that is
getting seriously hurt. The need is to rise above
the petty party and personal calculation to
confront the challenges to the nation.
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NDA
Government: Three years of performance
By K. R.
Sudhaman
The NDA
Government completed three years in its
second avatar on October 13 this year and
it has come out with a long list of
achievements but it has scrupulously
avoided listing how much of economic
reforms it had promised have been
achieved.
It is not
that the Vajpayee Government has failed
totally in pushing forward second
generation reforms and even skeptics can
no longer deny the fact that the highway
project is a major step forward in
pump-priming the economy. Government
deserves full credit for it. But it could
certainly be faulted for dragging its
feet on some of the crucial reform
measures including labour, disinvestment,
financial sector, power and foreign
direct investment apparently due to
compulsions of coalition politics, more
so from Swadeshi lobby and Sangh Parivar.
Some of
the positive aspects of the economy are
that the fundamentals are strong with
inflation at around 3-3.5 per cent,
foreign exchange reserves comfortable at
over 63 billion dollars, exports back on
double digit growth, softening of
interest rates, signs of industrial
recovery and comfortable agriculture
production estimated at 211 million
tonnes despite drought in some parts of
the country. But what is worrying is
slippages in targets set in the Ninth
Five Year Plan which ended in 2001-02,
apparently due to poor economic
management that has slowed down the
reform process in the last couple of
years.
The
Government had set an average seven per
cent growth annually which was
subsequently revised downwards to 6.5 per
cent. It is now estimated that the
average annual growth was at 5.4 per cent
during 1997-02 because of not too
impressive performance in the last two
years of the Plan as growth dipped from
6.2 per cent in 1999-2000 to 4 per cent
in 2000-01 and 5.4 per cent in 2001-02.
The GDP in 1997-98, first year of the
Ninth Plan when United Front Government
was in power had touched a high 7.8 per
cent.
In the
current year, the Reserve Bank, which had
forecast 6-6.5 per cent growth in the
face of anticipated modest recovery, has
now indicated it could be revised
downwards in the credit policy to be
announced at the end of this month. The
IMF has already scaled down the growth to
5 per cent and NCAER to 4.8 per cent. The
fiscal situation is no better with
slippages in fiscal deficit targets year
after year.
Deputy
Prime Minister L.K Advani recently
claimed that in difficult circumstances
of global slowdown and recession within
the country, the economy had done
reasonably well, which was also
acknowledged by the multilateral
agencies. There is some validity in the
argument when compared to the performance
of some of the other emerging economies.
But the fact remains the reform process
has slowed down which has impinged upon
the countrys economic performance.
Exports,
which recorded a near 20 per cent annual
growth in the first half of the nineties,
slipped to a negative and low single
digit growth before recovering this year.
No doubt the global slowdown is partially
responsible but no one can deny the fact
that our exports are still not
competitive enough to face the challenges
of globalisation. Trade reforms which
gathered momentum during the Narasimha
Rao regime in the early years of
liberalisation, seem to have lost steam
midway.
The States
are in a fiscal mess though the Centre is
slightly better off as fiscal deficit is
not all that alarming. One reason often
given by the authorities is that
implementation of the Fifth Pay
Commission has put a heavy burden on
states. The Fifth Pay Commission had also
recommended reduction of staff by 30 per
cent to which both the Centre and States
have turned a blind eye.
The main
ingredient for expenditure compression is
downsizing on which Government has so far
paid mere lip service. Admitting the slow
progress in this area, a top Government
official said it was time a targeted
approach was adopted on downsizing.
Ninety-five per cent of the four million
Central Government and 5.5 million State
Government employees belonged to class
three and four. Most of them are
redundant. Targeted approach to
downsizing would provide a long-term
solution on curbing expenditure rather
than some tinkering by freezing dearness
allowance, which may have some small
benefits at the cost of unrest among
Government employees.
The
Government claims it had adopted a new
approach to disinvestment by its
decision to privatise public enterprises.
But unfortunately when it started gaining
momentum NDA ministers particularly BJP
emboldened by the RSS lobby, derailed it
by putting a spoke in the wheel of oil
PSU's strategic sale. NDA Government
started off well by initiating big-ticket
privatisation like VSNL, Maruti, IPCL.
However, vested interests within the
Government gaining ground, the
disinvestment process seems to have
received a jolt. Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee and Advani say it has
only been deferred for three months for a
course correction but in reality the
stock markets and business community have
reacted adversely.
Foreign
Direct Investment liberalisation is yet
another area Swadeshi lobby is strongly
opposed to. Within the existing regime
itself, Government could have achieved
much more FDI if only power sector
reforms had been carried forward.
Several
important economic legislations on power,
fiscal, financial and labour reforms are
pending before Parliament for over two
years and there is no movement forward
because of poor floor management and
opposition from within.
In such a
scenario one wonders if Government would
be able to achieve eight per cent growth
envisaged in the Tenth Plan. Vajpayee has
promised tough reform measures. The
question is will he be able to carry on
these reforms with several assembly
elections in the offing and general
elections in a couple of years.
According
to Advani, the success of the Government
during the last three years is due to the
"coalition dharma." It is
increasingly becoming a coalition adharma
with elections round the corner. Congress
spokesman Jaipal Reddy is justified in
summing up that all the tall claims of
the Government about its achievements
were "quite an anti-climax"
particularly after the Jammu and Kashmir
elections debacle. The question is
whether the Government has the political
will to take tough decisions on reforms
in the remaining two years.
PTI
Feature
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Can
Indians get Salem?
By Atul
Cowshish
The US
invitation to the world to wage a war
against terrorism was presumed to have an
in-built element of cooperation among the
''allies''. That its chief beneficiary
was going to be the US was assumed
ungrudgingly. But the expectation was
that some other nations, notably India
which have been living with the menace of
cross-border terrorism for long, would
also be able to have the terrorist
outlaws returned from their safe havens
in foreign territories.
After more
than a year of this so-called global war
against terrorism it is beginning to look
more and more firmly as nothing but a
hunt only for men and outfits deemed
terrorists by Uncle Sam. The US has had
little trouble in getting the custody of
these terrorists- or whatever- from
wherever they may be living, irrespective
of whether or not they are US citizens.
''Liberated''
from the clutches of terrorists by the
US, the reasons for the haste and
willingness with which Afghanistan
dispatches these terrorist to the US
could be understood. After all, that
country was thoroughly destroyed by the
likes of Pak-trained Taliban and
Saudi-funded Al Qaeda. Pakistan's willing
''cooperation'' in throwing out
terrorists has been selective, encouraged
as Islamabad is by Washington's refusal
to look at Pakistan's huge terror machine
designed to hit Indian targets.
Under the
military dictator, Gen Parvez Musharraf,
Pakistan has adopted a clear
''US-friendly but anti-India'' policy in
dealing with terrorism. This would appear
to be a necessity for the survival of the
US-loved General who has sworn continued
serving of US interests as long as
Washington does not pressurise him too
much to blunt his India-specific
jehadi-terror network.
Only
recently, Malaysia had deported to the US
a terrorist, Abdul Ibrahim Balal, though
the US had revoked his citizenship. Kuala
Lumpur had dubbed him an 'illegal
immigrant'' though he was officially
admitted to an Islamic school in
Malaysia, a country where fundamentalism
is making deep inroads with covert
Government support. The man was sent to
the US in ''good faith'', said the
Malaysian Prime Minister, Mohatir
Mohammed. Some might suspect that the
deploration of the terrorist was the
result of some arm twisting by the US.
There are
still a lot of other nations involved in
the ''war'' against terrorism. The
European nations, like the Americans,
have woken up to the danger of terrorism
9/11. But the laws of the host nations
outside Afghanistan and Pakistan,
harbouring these terrorists, have not
stood in the way of packing them off to
the US for interrogation and prosecution
which in almost every case is going to
end up in a very long sentence, if not
something more extreme.
When it
comes to India, the respect for the host
nation's rules-- or obduracy and defiance
as in the case of Pakistan steadfastly
clinging on to 20 of India's
''most-wanted''--become a stumbling block
in handing over the terrorists and
similar criminals to India.
The latest
example is the arrest of Abu Salem with
his girlfriend, Monica Bedi, in Portugal.
Lisbon has thrown all the rule books at
New Delhi, hinting that it may be
unrealistic for India to expect him back
for trial in an Indian court. The Lisbon
authorities, however, cannot be accused
of being driven by the pursuit of a blind
anti-Indian policy the way Pakistan is on
the question of sending a fleeing
criminal or terrorist back to India.
Pakistan's influence in Portugal cannot
be presumed to be greater than India's.
If Abu Salem still manages to avoid being
sent to India there will be little point
in abusing the Portuguese authorities.
Salem, of
course, has been lucky on earlier
occasions too when he was nabbed on a
foreign soil but freed not because the
''host'' country was keen to set him free
but because India was not able to present
a fool-proof case for proceeding against
the Azamgarh-born former right hand man
of Mumbai don, Dawood Ibrahim, now
leading a comfortable life in a plush
Karachi district.
The
Central Bureau of Investigation seems to
have planted stories in the media that
this time round the Indian Government is
on a more solid ground and stands a
better chance of getting Salem back. The
optimism looks unreal because it is based
on the premise that the Indian
bureaucracy, including the CBI, and the
judiciary has suddenly become pro-speed
in such matters. Are the Indian
''sleuths'' who flit in and out of Lisbon
hoping to get back Salem equipped to
competently face unexpected hurdles,
legal or otherwise, in a foreign land?
The
bumbling manner of handling a case like
Salem's by our politicians in power is
even more deplorable. The impression is
buttressed by the tone of helplessness
that can be detected in the assertions of
''iron man'' and the second ''Sardar
Patel'', L K Advani, Home Minister and
Deputy Prime Minister. Showing no respect
for the law of the land that he is
supposed to protect and guard, Advani
declared that India would submit to
Portugal in writing that Abu Salem,
accused of a host of heinous crimes
including murder, would not be sentenced
to death after his trial in court. Oddly,
some of his subsequent statements were
less emphatic on this question of
offering a virtual pardon to Salem. The
latest is that Advani's ''commitment'' to
save Salem from death sentence in India
has not reached Portugal.
The media
in India has also reported quite widely
that it is not going to be easy for the
Portuguese to deport or extradite Salem
to India to stand trial on the charges
made out against him by Indian
authorities. It has been already reported
in a section of the Press that the
charges connecting Salem to the Mumbai
blasts of 1993 may not be able to stand
the scrutiny of law. Indian officials
have also been throwing hints that their
best bet on getting Salem is the hope
that the US applies pressure on Portugal.
But a
closer look at the strange manner in
which the US has been waging the ''war''
against terrorism cannot lead to any hope
of Washington extending help to New Delhi
by exerting pressure on Lisbon in the
Salem affair. It all boils down to many
different voices and many opinions in
India, but not much that will help in
achieving the goal of getting Salem back
in India to stand trial in a court of
law.
If the
Americans, not among the most altruistic,
were sincere in using their influence on
a third country to help India, the 20
''most wanted'' would have been sent back
to India by Pakistan long time ago. The
buzz is that Washington has asked India
to just ''forget'' about these 20 ''most
wanted''. That is the US concept of
''cooperation'' in the farcical war it is
waging against terrorism. And with the US
becoming more and more intent on first
liquidating Iraq's Saddam Hussein before
anything else, President George W. Bush
of the USA will have no time to attend to
such ''petty'' things as asking a
friendly European country to hand over a
wanted Indian national to New Delhi.
Salem
would almost certainly be first tried in
Portugal for entering on forged papers
and then deported. The question is :
Where ? Since he did not enter Portugal
from India, he is unlikely to be put on a
plane to New Delhi. But if---a big if--
the US is really sincere in helping India
also in its fight against terrorism,
Washington can lay its claim for
deportation of Salem after his Portuguese
trial because Salem has also been
indulging in illegal activities like
laundering money in the US.
The US
should have an even stronger reason to
ask for Salem's custody because of his
widely suspected links with Al Qaeda. The
real estate spree in which Salem had
indulged in the US prior to his making
Lisbon his home was reportedly financed
by Al Qaeda funds.
But the US
is for the moment silent on Abu Salem.
Awaiting to hear from Salem's ISI masters
in Pakistan?
In such a
situation will the Indian Government be
able to persuade the US to nab Salem
after his release on Portugal ? Between
Indian and Pakistani interests, which
country does the US normally choose ?
(Syndicate Features)
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Rise
of MMA in Pakistan
By Khan
Abdul Wadood Khan
Pakistans
new unfolding democracy, driven by a
split mandate and spearheaded by an
unprecedented victory for Islamic
fundamentalists, indeed has become the
beginning of new predicament. The results
of the general elections held on October
10 are surprising as well as a
disconcerting to Pakistanis who wish to
see a liberal, secular, modern and
developed Pakistan emerge in the future.
While in
the past, the clergy in Pakistan forced
General Zias army to take over the
reigns of the country as there was no
other way that their extremist ideology
could become the law of the land, today
they have become the law makers and have
an important say in framing the law on
account of their large presence in the
NWFP and Balochistan Assemblies as well
as in the National Assembly. The
Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), a
pro-Taliban conglomerate of six
fundamentalist groups, has won majority
in two most sensitive provinces bordering
Afghanistan, which have served as the
recruiting and training grounds for
Islamic militants, including AI Qaida and
the Talibans. The unprecedented victory
of this grand alliance of the religious
parties owes itself to a number of
factors, the unparalleled unity among
their various denominations being one of
these. Others include Musharraf
Governments sudden volt-face with
respect to Pakistans Afghanistan
policy, his promise to the United States
Government to use the Pakistani ground
and air base for facilitating the conduct
of hostile operations against the
Taliban, the presence of the personnel of
US air force and FBI on the Pakistani
soil, including the freehand given to the
latter to operate both in the tribal
areas and settled regions in the country
in order to hunt for the alleged remnants
of Osama bin Ladens AI Qaida
organization.
MMA also
benefited from the space created by the
suppression of the major political
parties. The MMA has, throughout General
Musharrafs tenure, found it easier than
the PPP or the PML(N) to get permission
to hold rallies and public demonstration
of strength. For example, secular
politicians were barred from contesting
the elections if they did not have
Bachelors degrees while Mullahs
were only required to have degrees from
religious schools. Writing in the Wall
Street Journal, eminent Pakistani
journalist Ahmed Rashid commented
"it appears that the army and the
ISI sponsored the religious leaders, or
Mullahs, to ensure that the West does not
question the need for continued military
rule to contain the religious
parties."
But
whatever the various causes of the
MMAs emergence as a potent
political force, the immediate concern
relates to how it will react to certain
policies put in place by the Musharraf
regime. The MMA is opposed to the
military rule, the National Security
Council General Musharraf's legal
framework order and so on. MMA would
insist on the restoration of 1973
constitution, the absolute sovereignty of
Parliament with no institution or
individual having superiority over it and
the introduction of true Islamic Shariah
in the country. It would also like US to
withdraw from air force, bases in
Pakistan.
While
intellectuals are advising MMA leaders to
follow a moderate path, the MMA leaders
have vowed to establish a strict Islamic
system reversing General Musharraf s
so-called reforms. The MMA has announced
that it would seek ban on co-education.
Addressing a gathering of the
womens wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami
at Peshawar, the MMA Vice-President and
Chief of Jamaat-e-Islami said that the
Alliance would set up separate
universities for women. He said women
should not be forced to wear the burqa
but at the same time maintained that they
should follow the Islamic Shariah laws.
He claimed that massive participation in
the rallies was a proof that both men and
women want Islam in this country. The
convention was clearly intended to send
out a message to the outside world as to
what the Alliance in general and his
party in particular stood for on
"Islamization" of the Pakistani
society.
Pakistanis
are confused as there has been no
consensus over the formation of a new
Government more than 15 days after
elections produced a "hung"
Parliament. An attempt by the
pro-military Pakistan Muslim League
(Quaid-i-Azam), which is the single
largest group in the newly elected
National Assembly, to link with Islamic
groups hit a snag with hardliners raised
the stakes, demanding the post of the
Prime Minister.
In an
interview with the Friday Times, Maulana
Fazlur Rahman Amir, Jamait
-e-UIema-e-Islam and Central leader of
MMA said that his party would seek the
constitutions help to improve the
Islamic system in Pakistan. And Chief of
MMA Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani went a
step further by saying that
"provincial Governments have full
powers to legislate according to the
constitution for the betterment of their
people". Jamaat-e-Islami party head
Qazi Hussain has already called for the
US troops in Afghanistan to withdraw. The
MMA distributed leaflets in the election
campaign sympathising with the Taliban
and AI Qaida.
There is
thus utter confusion in Pakistan as to
what is going to take place in future.
There are contradicting statements from
the religious alliance (MMA). While
meeting some, senior diplomats of various
countries in Islamabad on October 23,
these leaders said that they would abide
by the international agreements and would
not object to proposed Iran-India gas
pipeline but in NWFP and Balochistan, the
MMA has got majority and is planning to
implement Talibans agenda. Writing
in The News, columnist Jameelur Rahman
said that the MMAwould force the women to
maintain strict "pardah" and
co-education would be abolished. The
cable and other electronic media may be
banned. The people associated with this
business are worried and confused. Most
of the observers are of the opinion that
the MMA in NWFP and Balochistan will have
no time to look into the matters like
unemployment education and health etc.
Their main thrust will be on promoting
rituals.
A retired
chief of the army staff General Aslam Beg
has said in an article that the rise of
the MMA is due to the anti-US feelings.
According to his assessment most probably
there will be a coalition Government in
Centre consisting of the Kings
party and PPPP. Some minor parties and
independent candidates may also join. If
this is done, it will satisfy America.
Otherwise situation may take an ugly
turn. Aslam Beg has also pointed out that
it was not a wise decision to ban Benazir
Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif from taking part
in election process.
US State
Department spokesman Richard Boucher also
agrees that Musharraf made a critical
mistake by debaning them. In an interview
with BBC, Akbar S.Ahmed, a former
Pakistan Ambassador to UK and presently
teaching in an American University in
Washington said " development could
spell trouble for US adding that "an
earthquake has taken place in Pakistan
for what is happening there is going to
have an impact in the entire
region." NWFP is an important
province because of its borders with
Afghanistan. It is the breeding ground
for Taliban. Mr Ahmed's analysis have
been supported by Georgetown University
Professor Berger who said that Musharraf
faces trouble ahead from the newly
empowered coalition - "the coalition
hardliners are going to emerge as
partners in any condition that is going
to undermine ability to maintain support
for US." Former Pakistani Prime
Minister Benazir Bhutto whose party came
second in the elections behind PML (Q) is
of the view that the "Central
Government will cooperate with the US but
the Provincial Governments in Balochistan
and NWFP will not cooperate with the US
and I think that the US will find itself
increasingly frustrated in its operation
on Afghanistan's tribal area which border
with Pakistan. And as the American gets
frustrated, General Musharraf will say,
that see, I told you need a dictatorship,
you don't really need a democracy."
The rise
of MMA would further strengthen the grip
of General Musharraf over the sinews of
power in Pakistan. He is going to
blackmail U.S.A. by asking for more money
and machines in the name of neutralising
the threat posed by the MMA. But the
Americans should note that the flushing
out of the remnants of the Taliban and Al
Qaida from NWFP and Balochistan could
become difficult if the MMA was allowed
to occupy the seat of power.
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