Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

Technical colonisation
of India's military

By Maj Gen V K Madhok (Retd)

By Bharat Jhunjhunwala

Prime Minister Vajpayee has asked, ''who is selling the country?'' The answer is North Block is selling the country. He has .....more

A new concept for automobiles

By G V Joshi

Until only a few years ago, when environmentalists and automobile manufacturers spoke .......more

EDITORIAL

Unwise allies

For, the greatest democracy of the world, also its oldest, America seems perpetually unable to chose its allies in the world. Its tract record for at least the last half a century is dotted with alliances and friendships with some the most despotic regimes, outright inhuman dispensations and almost consistently against the democracy or urges for it. From Africa to Arabia, and her own backyard of South America, the globe is littered with what could be called American mistakes. But all this has been done with deliberate calculations and determinate policies. Thus it was that while the apartheid reigned in Africa America unwaveringly supported the unequal regime. American democracy is behind every despotism in the Arabian Peninsula, many a times supporting clear antiquities against the forces of modernism. In Iran it supported the repression of the late Shah till the moment he was ousted.

While it may not be said that they wrote the chapter of tyrannical intolerance in that part of the world with that injudicious alliance, it certainly thwarted the liberal, democratic aspirations there. The latest example of this American betrayal of the world democracy comes, of course, in its latest ally, Pakistan. Not only has the US ended up being the sole sustenance of the military regime in Pakistan, it is also covering up some of the major infarctions of the international protocols in the process. One of them relates to, what can easily be called the pet theme of American public opinion, the disarmament. And the other to the most precipitate concern of the American people and nation - and also of the wider world-the terrorism. While America is asking the UN to grant it a blanket permission to torpedo Iraq on the suspicion that Iraq hides Al Qaida cadres and Weapons of Mass Destruction Pakistan, the country that opens keeps both, is escaping scrutiny because of her being a 'valued ally' of America. Now evidence of her having been guilty of nuclear proliferation is coming, from the American sources themselves.

And, it is no chance discovery. America has been aware of the proliferation activities--the transfer of nuclear weapon material to North Korea--for many years. It has indeed been broaching the issue with both the regimes in both the country for some time. Yet it has not only maintained a warm friendship with the violator of the nuclear taboo, but has actually been trying to seek concessions for its valued ally from India in the hope of keeping the regime there propped up. And, there are no warnings issued, no efforts to get the proliferation under check made or any clear disapproval of the continuous testing of the bartered missiles it has been getting in lieu of the nuclear materials from North Korea. And, what a peddling Pakistan does! Its gets the nuclear material from China to 'down India', barters the same to North Korea for missile to 'get even' with India and gets the false prestige of having both the nuclear weapons and missiles without being able to produce either. Both the powers are aware of the game but keep silent because it is the 'valued ally' of one and the 'trusted friend' of another. It must be a huge comfort to India that her strength is stout enough to make two major powers to play ducks and drakes with their avowed principles just in order to contain her rise. But how does it go with the principles themselves? Sooner of later the dallying powers shall have to reckon that.

Mamta of Bengal!

The rise of Mamta Bannerji is a story that really warmed the cockles of every democrat's heart. While the cognoscenti were shamed in their criticism of her earthiness, the sundry lovers of democracy saw in her unconventional and sincere style a breath of truth they have been desperately searching for in the Indian polity of interests and ends. She could give up cabinet berths at the click of a tongue, could sever relations with her party at the whiff of a compromise and would go out to her people with a clear heart. She was not a Jaya hoarding a relationship as a legacy, she was not a Rabri standing in a proxy, and she was not a Sonia of dynasty. She was a self-made politician, the sort of politician the typical Indian would have wished for. That was how within ten years the tigress of Bengal came to seriously shake the communist rule in Bengal. She nearly overthrew it but failed because she overdid her act. Now she is overdoing everything. With her single near-obsession with railways by for and of Bengal, she has brought her own seriousness into doubt.

Many people would point to her alliance with NDA as an unwise decision. But once done, she failed to make the best of it. The running feud she kept on with the local BJP head kept her from consolidating the gains. And, just when it was beginning to bring fruit and, probably a release for the Bengalis from the communist yoke, she ran into Congress lap and spoiled her chances in the assembly elections. On the way she was shown as a stark opportunist, which she is not. But she is certainly mistaken. The on-and-off relationship with the NDA is a result of her trying to milk the opposite sides for political benefit. But that puts her feet in two boats going in opposite directions. She had the elements of an all India leadership in her self but she is desperately trying to limit herself of Bengal. That too, with a most narrow vision. The leaders that made her brigade are parting company. That may not have mattered much, but her own level-headedness as well as her sincerity is in doubt. And that is a serious thing. Before all comes crumbling down she would do well to get a little more rationality into her approach. And reason if she wants to live out her promise.

Technical colonisation of India's military

By Maj Gen V K Madhok (Retd)

In the chaotic conditions which prevail in the Indian region, ready made arms markets are awaiting the induction of military hardware. In fact, while the Chinese have seized Pakistan's arms market, India has become dependent on Russia. While the US is edging in to supply military hardware both to India & Pakistan. Besides Indian effort to diversify purchases we see defence contracts and agreements being signed with China, France, US and Russia from both sides of the Indo-Pak border. While similar equipment is also being supplied to the militants, secessionists and the insurgents.

Therefore, whether we realise it or not like other countries in the region India too is faced with a critical military technology lag. -Due to which arms and equipment imports are eating into a major portion of foreign earnings and internal revenue. Any political party which dares to put this situation right would need at least 10 years and that too, provided its leaders understand as to how we have straggled and where we have gone wrong and if they have the necessary will to do so.

All this cannot but provoke the tax payer to question as to what has gone wrong with the defence production mechanism which consists of research, PSUs and quality assurance. Has India lost the military technology race and become a mere market and a colony for technically advanced nations to sell their arms and equipment? And what impact is this having on the armed forces?

Five factors have led to the current situation. These being: The existing communication gap between the user (armed forces), the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) under the scientific advisor to the Raksha Mantri, the Quality Assurance Directorate (DGQA), nearly 40 production factories, eight public sector units and the private industry.

Further, lack of technical awareness amongst the armed forces themselves. Sloppy management of the ongoing military projects-leading to delays, bloating of budgets and in turn, erosion of credibility. A private sector totally oblivious to the needs of the defence forces and only looking for profits and Foreign power interests such as the US who intend and are making successful efforts to dominate the developing countries with military technology. Unless this dilemma is resolved, India's military hardware will continue to come from abroad at an exorbitant cost, with foreign arms factories working around the clock while our's diversify to make consumer goods to keep them going.

During the last three to five years or so, India defence delegations have been rushing to Russia, France, UK and Israel accompanied with a posse of defence professionals to negotiate arms deals or for setting up joint production ventures for military hardware. An agreement was signed with Romania to purchase one lakh AK-47 rifles and that too without ammunition in a 10 million dollar deal in preference to India's indigenous 5.56 mm SAS (Small Arms Systems), a project that did not meet army's requirements. Besides, the announcements about the likely replacement of INS Vikrant with a 10 year old Russian aircraft carrier 'Admiral Gorshokov' at a cost of 1500 crore, the pending purchase of 60-100 AJTs (advance jet trainers) from France or UK or the purchase of 40 X Su-30 fighters from Russia and a host of other arms and equipment. Spares worth Rs. 1000 crore a year are already being imported.

The tax payer's anguish is fully justified. The existing communication gap between various components of the production machinery has primarily resulted from absence of a central coordinating authority. Currently, the RRM, assisted by the secretary Defence Production and the DGQA but unfortunately, the user, for whom all these establishments are meant has no control whatsoever on any of them. He merely projects his demands and waits for bureaucrat's decision. When the demands are delayed, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) responds by permitting the users to proceed on foreign delegations, select and then purchase foreign equipment instead of exerting to put the defence production machinery right.

On the other hand, the user has many requirements. The services want the latest military technology and that too immediately and won't block any delay. But they lack technical knowledge as well as mechanisms to articulate as to what is it that they want and then project their requirements to the public or the private sector. The non technical arms such as the infantry in the army are the worst affected. They are not abreast of the technological developments in other countries. While sophisticated military hardware can be inducted easily, its maintenance is a gruesome task requiring technical skills of the highest order. This critical drawback can only be rectified provided an intense drive in launched to import technical education to the rank and file.

As regards the private industry, its oft repeated grouse is that it has been deliberately kept away from participating in defence production. In its support, it cites the industrial policy resolution which forbids the private sector from undertaking the production of arms or to manufacture assemblies pertaining to defence. While this is true, the tragedy is that the industry has never protested against this unpatriotic clause. Accordingly, the private industry has been relegated to the status of mere fabricators in spite of all the talent and the resources that they have.

The ongoing military projects in India present a sorry State. While the missile projects for Agni and Prithvi' have been more or less completed the trials for the remaining missile projects like Akash, Nag, Trishul and Sagar have yet to proceed beyond the trial stage. Projects like the LCA and MBT Arjun and already more than 25 years in the making, have bloated infrastructures with colossal budgets. The fact is that these have been dragging on for years with no end in sight and as such invite justifiable criticism that these have been deliberately delayed to benefit foreign powers or interest parties.

Consequently, the armed forces, with a 70-80 percent of their arms and other military hardware coming from abroad, have already become a hostage to foreign countries who will continue to dispose off their second and third generation technologies. It is in their interest that the situation in the Indian region does not improve. And therefore the ongoing indigenous military projects will continue to get stalled and whenever these get completed, will be outdated. And so, the cycle will continue.

Can India come out of this mess? It can, provided it is fortunate enough to have a polity which understands the situation, its short and long term implications and then takes action to bring together various components of the defence production machine. One of the most important aspect of this is that the private industry must become a part of the process and not left out as an outsider. The user would need to define his vision as to what the would need in the next 5-10 years.

Foreign countries have successfully completed technical colonisation of India. This, inspite of the fact that the country has the 3rd largest scientific and technical manpower in the world. Recourse is being taken to signing defence deals for induction of military hardware instead of drafting and implementing a National Indigenisation Plan. If we fail to indigenise, rest assured India will be spending all the money it has on purchase of foreign military hardware; its replacement and then spares needed to maintain it till the country goes bankrupt.

India for sale

By Bharat Jhunjhunwala

Prime Minister Vajpayee has asked, ''who is selling the country?'' The answer is North Block is selling the country. He has asked, ''Who has the guts to purchase India?'' The answer is Robert Blackwill, Ambassador of United States in India.

Before the last budget, Robert Blackwill had given a speech to Indo-American Chamber of Commerce. He had given out his list of demands. The first demand was that India should lower its import tariffs. ''India's average tariff ranks among the highest in the world.'' He was worried that while India's exports to the US were rising but US exports to India were flat as a chappati. He specifically mentioned that the aggregate duties on imported liquor and wines ''range from 464 percent to 706 percent levels'' that have led to low imports in India. North Block followed his diktats. The peak tariff duties for all imports were reduced from 35% to 30%. The import duties on imported liquors were reduced to 257% (182% customs duty plus 75% countervailing duty).

Blackwill had been long demanding that the Government of India ignore the allegations of corruption and abide by the contract that MSEB had entered into with Enron for the Dhabol project. He had said,'' I hear frequent buzz from the United States that sanctity of contract may now be in doubt here, a concern that can spell death to potential investors.'' Senior Advocate Shrihari Aney had strongly pleaded that fraud should be included in the civil suit that was filed against Dhabol Power Company. Government of Maharashtra followed Blackwill's diktat. Mr Aney was removed from the panel of advocates that were engaged to plead MSEB's case. North Block did not raise a finger.

MSEB had entered into a one-sided contract with Enron. This became possible because the Finance Secretary, sitting in the North Block, gave economic clearance to the project though he was not authorized to do the same. As per law the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) has to give a technical as well as economic clearance to such projects. The story as narrated by the Godbole Committee is as follows: The Power Secretary told the CEA that the ''Finance Secretary has observed that the question of the cost of power has been looked into and it has been found that it was more or less in line with other projects in Maharashtra.'' The North Block gave economic clearance to a patently one-sided project leading to the Maharashtra Government becoming bankrupt.''

Blackwill said that ''the lack of a world-class WTO-consistent patent law'' was a major road block to trade between the two countries. The rich countries are extracting huge profits for their technologies. In fact, their richness owes itself to selling advanced technologies at high prices and buying our natural resources cheap. Patents is a crucial obstruction in our march towards equality with the rich countries. The Government of India followed Blackwill's diktat. The developing countries had won a major concession at the WTO negotiations at Doha that compulsory licenses for the manufacture of patented drugs could be given in public interest. This provision was not incorporated in the amendment to the Patent Act that the North Block had pushed through the Parliament.

Blackwill is anxious that the United States MNCs should make large Foreign Direct Investments in India. He questioned the need of getting Government clearance for foreign investment proposals. His demand was that the MNCs should be free to come in and invest as well as exit whenever and in whichever areas that pleased them. He asked, ''is investment a dangerous external threat that must be carefully limited?''

The North Block has again followed his diktat. In the 1998 Election Manifesto the BJP had proclaimed that ''The BJP Government will ensure that FDI flows into priority areas (like energy, roads and ports) and not in areas where the domestic industry is functioning well. FDI is welcome in non-predatory role in joint ventures rather than in 100 percent subsidiaries. Takeovers of existing Indian companies by foreign companies will not be encouraged.''

But Blackwill wanted otherwise. Blackwill won and BJP lost, courtesy North Block. FDI has been permitted into all areas barring a few strategic ones. In fact, FDI has not come into areas like energy, roads and ports. Most MNCs have exited from these sectors. FDI has come into TV, cars and other consumer goods. These are precisely the areas where the BJP said it would not allow FDI to come in. The BJP had opened the Insurance sector to private players with the stipulation that no more than 25% foreign equity would be permitted. But North Block recently brought a proposal before the Ministers to increase this limit to 49%. MNCs have been permitted to form 100% subsidiaries even in cases where they already have a joint venture with an Indian businessman. Instead of preventing the takeover of Indian companies by MNCs, North Block has sold even the PSU Modern Foods to Hindustan Lever. The limits on FDI and FII have been relaxed at regular intervals.

More such examples could be given. It is clear that Blackwill and the likes of him are determining the economic policies of the country. They have the keys to the North Block. Just as the representatives of the Viceroy determined the policies that were followed in the Princely states, similarly, Blackwill and his cohorts are determining the policies of the country.

Prime Minister Vajpayee should take a lesson from our history. The British were able to enslave the country because the Mughal Emperors entered gave them the freedom to enter and trade in the country as they wished. The problem was that India's sea trade with the West was affected by attacks from the Portuguese in the Arab sea. The Mughal Emperors had two choices before them. They could have build their own navy and provided protection to their commerce. Or they could seek the protection from the British. They chose the latter. In exchange in 1916 they provided freedom to the British to trade in India. That led to India's enslavement.

North Block can either increase the import tariffs to protect India's farmers and businessmen; or it can allow them to be sacrificed at the high altar of globalization. It can fight the Dhabol case on the grounds of fraud; or it can let Maharashtra become bankrupt.

It can abrogate the Patents laws, exit from the WTO, get India to develop its own technologies and give competition to the West; or it can give protection to the patents of the MNCs. It can increase her own savings and reduce Government consumption; or it can open up to foreign investment. Mr Vajpayee, the record so far has been that the North Block is selling the country and the likes of Robert Blackwill are readily buying it.

A new concept for automobiles

By G V Joshi

Until only a few years ago, when environmentalists and automobile manufacturers spoke about low-emission vehicles, they were almost thinking about electric vehicles (EV) cars, trucks, and buses powered by batteries of one kind or another. The electricity from the battery turned the motors connected to wheels.

However, the scientists have so far failed in the development of a battery that could make EVs practical. Today, car-makers are looking once again at hybrid electric vehicles (HEV), which they had earlier rejected, even as an interim solution.

Batteries are not actually foreign, but even after more than 100 years of research and development, there is no battery, which is ideally suited for a car, leave apart a bus or truck.

They either weigh too much, or cost to much, or take too long to charge. However, HEVs based on a combination of electric motors and internal combustion engines (ICE) are attractive for two main reasons.

First, they do not require any new technology or new infrastructure. Secondly, they work with existing lead-acid, nickel-cadmium metal hydride batteries because they do not depend upon them as a primary source of power. They can obtain fuel-petrol or diesel at any petrol or diesel pump.

The battery in a modern HEV provides bursts of power for acceleration, overtaking and hill climbing. That allows the internal combustion engine (ICE) to drive a car on highway, where its efficiency is high and emissions low.

The first major HEV was 'Prius' made by Toyota Motor Corporation of Japan, which went on sale in 1999 in Japan. Although the Prius uses its ICE most of the time, it operated as an EV at very low speeds when crawling along in stop-and-go traffic of cities.

Honda Motors of Japan developed a HEV, in which all power came from the motor. The ICE never drives the wheels directly, but instead operates a dynamo that keeps the batteries charged.

The advantages of HEV over pure EVs are clear. They can be filled up with fuel like any other car, and need no special charging infrastructure since they keep their batteries charged from the engine/dynamo and via regenerative braking.

Pressing the brake pedal reverses the action of vehicle's electric motor, so that it acts as a dynamo, converting the kinetic energy of the vehicle's motion into reusable electricity, instead of wasting its as heat. For emergency stops, HEVs also have normal brakes, activated when the driver really presses hard on the brake pedal.

However, even here there are drawbacks. Like conventional vehicles, HEVs are not zero-emission vehicles, worse, as they get old or if their maintenance were neglected, they become serious polluters.

They are more complex to maintain than conventional vehicles and may be expected to have many of the same reliability and maintenance problems. And, of course, their use of traditional fuels is strength as well as a weakness.

It is here that cells enter the field. An alternative technology-the fuel cell-has made a quantum jump from laboratory phenomenon to commercial highway product.

The basic principle of the fuel cell has been know for over 100 years. However, a variety of technical and economic problems has kept the devices away from the automobile industry.

They were used in the spacecraft like Apollo and Space Shuttles, where they provided reliable power but were too bulky and expensive for use in automobiles.

Fuel cells convert the chemical energy in a fuel directly into electricity through an electrochemical reaction. A hydrogen fuel cell will supply electric power so long as it is provided with hydrogen and oxygen.

However, storing the hydrogen at very low temperature and high pressure and carrying it in a vehicle is a serious problem.

Several avenues are being explored for dealing with that problem, Ovonic Battery Co, the Troy, Mich, company behind the nickel/metal-hydride battery, has applied its metal-hydride expertise and developed metal alloys that can store about seven per cent of their weight in hydrogen at a fairly low pressure.

According to the company, with that technology, 6 kg of hydrogen can be stored in a system occupying 120 litres, or about twice the size of the fuel tank on a mid-sized automobile.

But there are still other alternatives. One such fuel is an aqueous solution of sodium borohydride (NaBH4), which yields hydrogen gas and a sodium borate (NaBO2) solution on exposure to a catalyst. A Company in the US has developed a suitable catalyst, based on rhodium, and has demonstrated the technical viability of the concept.

The fact that the starting point for making sodium borohydride is an irreplaceable mineral-borax is no drawback, for unlike traditional fossil fuels, it is recyclable. In the scheme, the boron compounds serve more as a mechanism for transporting energy than as a fuel.

Even metals like zinc and aluminium also lend themselves to similar uses. Metallic Power, a fuel cell developer in the US, has tested the world's first on road refuelable zinc air fuel cell (ZAFC) powered car successfully.

In addition to demonstrating the viability of the concept, the company showed that the robust simplicity of its proprietary regenerative ZAFCs could lead to more rapid development of products based on their technology.

The demonstration included more than 160 km of test-driving on highways and streets over various terrains in humid as well as dry, hot areas.

For the demonstration, four ZAFC systems were fitted into an electric car. The test crew drove the vehicle at speeds reaching more than 80 km/hour and then quickly refueled it in approximately 30 minutes using simple fuel hoses that can make the process as simple as filling petrol or diesel.

A set of small lead-acid batteries connected in parallel with the fuel cells provided extra power for short bursts of acceleration and hill climbing, while the fuel cells supplied the bulk of the energy or long-range driving.

Another American company has devised a completely solid-state aluminum-air fuel cell (AAFC) based on a proprietary membrane electrolyte. The device uses no liquids, just a rolled up three-layer sandwich aluminum anode, membrane electrolyte, and air cathode.

As a sealed unit, it becomes a rechargable battery in which aluminium is oxidized on discharge and the resulting oxide is reduced during recharge. Or, as a fuel cell, it has a mechanism for replacing spent rolls of aluminum oxide with fresh rolls of aluminum. Since the device is both a battery and a fuel cell, the company calls it revolutionary power cell.

Research on zinc-air and aluminum- air fuel cells should be taken up in India, to develop small power packs for automobiles or large ones for small communities to reduce their dependence on national grid.

PTI Feature