Be imaginative Involve Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh
in this new journey of hope
Peace with honour

By Dr Karan Singh, MP

Having been a witness over the last 55 years to all the dramatic twists and turns in the tortuous history of Jammu and Kashmir since my father signed the Instrument of Accession in October 1947, I have watched with keen interest the recent electoral and post-electoral developments. These have resulted in the emergence of a coalition Government in the State for the first time, headed by the redoubtable Mufti Mohammad Sayeed who, after over a decade in the shadows, has suddenly emerged as a key figure in the new dispensation and fulfilled his life- long ambition to become Chief Minister. Looking at the whole situation in the broader perspective, five major points emerge.

* Despite grave threats and killings by militants in the run-up to the elections in which about a thousand people lost their lives, the fact that the elections were held successfully, that well over 40 per cent of the electorate cast their votes, and that by all accounts the elections were free and fair, has been a major achievement. It showed once again the inherent strength of the democratic process. There must be many in the Valley who are now deeply regretting that they missed this opportunity to secure a substantial presence in the new legislature. The credit for the successful elections goes equally to the Government of India, the Election Commission, Farooq Abdullah’s former Government, and of course, the voters who braved bullets to choose the ballot.

* In keeping with the trend in other parts of India, the electorate in J&K has produced a fragmented verdict so that no single party got a majority even in any of the regions, far less in the whole State. In a way, this reflected the considerable differences in the aspirations of the people from the three regions, and I also made a coalition Government inevitable.

Jammu is deeply disappointed at having been denied the Chief Ministership which, for the first time since Independence, was within its reach. However, in the broader circumstances that we face in J&K, Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s decision to allow the People’s ‘Democratic Party to head the Government needs to be supported. How the new Government performs on the political, administrative and economic fronts will be anxiously watched. After the turmoil of the last 13 years, the people of the State look forward not only to multi-level political dialogue but to a more transparent and responsive administration.

*It has also become clear that the old unifocal structure of the State revolving around Srinagar will now have to be replaced by a new sub-federal dispensation in which the two regions of Jammu and Ladakh are at last able to get a fair deal. For the last half century, the people of Jammu have suffered from a sense of grievance regarding the distribution of political, financial and administrative powers, and though two commissions were set up to look into regional imbalances, headed by retired Chief Justices of India - the Gajendragadkar Commission in 1967 and the Sikri Commission in 1977 - their recommendations were never effectively implemented in letter or in spirit.

Ladakh represents a very special case, and there is a strong move there for a direct relationship with the Centre. I will not comment on this highly sensitive issue, but it needs to be stressed that it can no longer be brushed under the carpet. Mufti Sayeed’s announcement that he would ensure a fair deal for all the three regions is to be welcomed, but it remains to be seen what concrete steps are taken in this direction. There is also the necessity of creating conditions for the Kashmiri Pandits to return to their hearths and homes in the Valley.

*The broader question of the precise relationship of J&K with the rest of India, revolving around the demand for autonomy, has to be addressed. The wide-ranging dialogue that has now been promised with all sections of political opinion within and outside the legislature will provide an opportunity for all these issues to be discussed in depth so that, if at all possible, a consensus is arrived at. Keeping in mind the wide divergences of opinion, this will not be an easy task, but nonetheless, it has to be addressed with imagination and sincerity of purpose.

*Above all, what is needed in the State today, particularly in the Valley, is a process of reconciliation and healing. It is difficult for people not belonging to the State to realise the extent of the trauma which the people have suffered as a result of 13 years of militancy and counter insurgency operations. The wails of the widows and the cries of the orphans have not yet been heard around the country.

There is a tendency to look upon J&K simply as a political problem, ignoring the fact that it represents a human tragedy of epic proportions. This task of reconciliation and healing is not one that the Government alone can undertake, although it is good to hear Mufti Sayeed reiterating its importance. Civil society as a whole, in the State as well as in the rest of India, and especially organisations working in the field of interfaith harmony, will have to get involved in this process, which will necessarily take many years to complete. However, a beginning must be made without delay.

In this context, the first paragraph of the Common Minimum Programme states the objectives admirably, and bears quoting:

"The goal of the coalition Government is to heal the physical, psychological and emotional wounds inflicted by 14 years of militancy, to restore the rule of law in Jammu and Kashmir State, to complete the revival of the political process which was begun by the recently concluded elections, and to request the Government of India to initiate and hold, sincerely and seriously, wide ranging consultations and dialogue, without conditions, with the members of the legislature and other segments of public opinion in all the three regions of the state, to evolve a broad based consensus on restoration of peace with honour in the State."

Finally, there is the persistent bilateral dimension of the conflict with Pakistan going back all the way to 1947. This is a matter which will have to be tackled under the broad rubric of the Simla Agreement and the Lahore Declaration. Certainly, one must expect Pakistan to modify its policy of aggressively supporting militancy in J&K, but to wait until every sign of militancy is eradicated before beginning a dialogue may prove to be counter productive. Once our internal situation stabilises, the time will be ripe to reopen a bilateral dialogue with Pakistan. Whether that country will now take a less obsessive and more realistic view of the situation remains to be seen, but with a new Government likely to be in position in Pakistan it is time to break the ice and see how the future unfolds.

This is a moment for bold and imaginative statesmanship so that subcontinent can finally get its act together and begin the long journey towards stability and poverty eradication.

Courtesy: Hindustan Times

Ceasefire within the parivar

By Sondip Bhattacharya

If the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh (RSS) were looking for bridging the gaps on major issues that had created tension within the Sangh Parivar of late, they were not entirely successful at 24 October much-publicised meeting. However, they did make some progress for better coordination between the different outfits of the Parivar and agreed on the need to avoid washing dirty linen in public.

The Sangh Parivar has revived its attack on BJP leaders, particularly Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his Principal Secreatry, Mr. Brajes Mishra. Is the Parivar blaming the BJP for the miserable showing in elections? Or is it out of frustration that things are not moving according to its plans? Above all, could it be owing to the forthcoming Assembly elections in Gujarat? The Sangh Parivar obviously does not know how to explain the BJP’s behaviour.

Whenever there are things to discuss they meet and thrash things out. The last meeting between them was in April last, after the outburst of Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) leader Dattopant Thengadi. This time it is the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leaders who have been very critical of Mr. Vajpayee and Mr. Mishra. Mr. Ashok Singhal has gone to the extent of saying there is no need for a Principal Secretary as the Government can manage with the Cabinet Secretary.

While the Parivar may think enough is enough, the BJP leaders also have their compulsions of coalition. The harsh public statements against the Prime Minister from the RSS, VHP and BMS leaders of late are really embarrassing them. This is also creating confusion among the cadres.

From all indications, the RSS bosses are upset at the way the Vajpayee Government is going ahead on many issues including disinvestment, labour reforms and other liberalisation measures. They seem to feel that the time has come for them to be vocal as otherwise there is no future for them. The RSS has been feeling very strongly about many issues and have been talking about them for the past four years.

Until the BJP came to power, the Sangh Parivar was one on all issues and the family was homogenous. The BJP was the political wing of the RSS. But the NDA experiment since 1998 has made it necessary for the BJP to put controversial issues like Ayodhya, Article 370 and common civil code on the backburner. These contradictions pop up whenever there are elections as the Parivar is not able to explain why the BJP has become the B team of the Congress in every respect. The RSS is not able to explain the inaccessibility of the BJP ministers to its workers, or their way of life.

The RSS insiders say the parent organisation feels that the BJP is not seeing the reality and is alarmed that the distance between the party and the people is widening. Also the disagreement between the Parivar and the BJP continues. The basic point is that there are 22 organisations in the Parivar and each one of them stands for one constituency or the other. If they give up their issues, they would not be able to grow. Interestingly, there is disagreement on both political and economic fronts. First, take the economic policies. The RSS is for swadeshi. The Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) is gaining ground once again with senior ministers like Murili Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharati supporting it on the divestment policies. On the other hand, despite the Government speeding up the pace of reforms, the World Bank and the IMF are getting restless about the same.

Then come certain controversial issues like disinvestment and the WTO. Here again some BJP ministers are supporting the RSS and are vocal about their views. Some of NDA allies, like the Samata and the Shiv Sena, too are cautioning Government on the pace of disinvestment.

The RSS is not able to digest the BJP argument that they are only following the coalition agenda. The RSS bosses point out that while the common minimum programme talks about making the profit-making Indian PSUs tough international standards, the Government is proposing to sell such units at throwaway prices. Then comes the question of foreign direct investment (FDI). Here, too, there is a problem of approach. The N.K. Singh committee report advocates a liberal policy, which the RSS is vocally against.

As far as labour reforms are concerned, the BMS cannot support the Government on this issue and that is why it has launched protests all over the country. BMS leaders Thengadi has been openly critical of the Government. The VHP, which was providing support to the BJP earlier, is on the warpath because according to it the Ayodhya and Hindutva issues have been sidetracked. The attack on Mr. Brajesh Mishra can be seen as an attack on the Prime Minister himself. The kind of language the VHP leaders use against Mr. Vajpayee or Mr. L.K. Advani when they talk to the press in private, is in really bad taste. They feel that the PMO did not offer even a glass of water when they met Mr. Vajpayee in February in connection with the Aydohya crisis. Their grievances are many. The VHP is quite frustrated.

Then there are other political issues like the trifurcation of J&K, succour to the Hindu refugees from Kashmir, alliance with the National Conference, security related issues and, above all, governance. The RSS bosses think that the BJP’s image is sagging every day. Also come election time, it is the Parivar which has to seek votes and also explain.

However, the BJP strategists have their own defence. First, they contend that the RSS’s line on economic issues is more theoretical. When the BJP is leading the Government, it has several other compulsions. There could not be a harmonious chorus among the various constituents of Parivar because of different approach.

The bottom line is the RSS would not like to rock the boat and the BJP too has to depend on the Parivar. Will the Parivar work against the BJP and bring in the Congress? Where will the BJP go without the support of the Parivar? Therefore, it is quite clear that despite the meetings and stormy atmosphere, the show will go on, the Parivar will support the BJP and the Government will move forward. May be the Prime Minister may adopt a give-and-take approach and slow down the pace. Or may be he will make some gestures to please the Parivar. The contradictions continue because both the Parivar and the BJP want to have their cake and eat it too. The BJP thinks it will make the appropriate noises that please the NDA partners, while the Parivar wants to continue with its programme. Despite all their efforts at ironing out the differences, it may be different to resolve these contradictions. INAV