EDITORIAL
Another
unity broken
One would have
thought that the candidature of Abdul Kalam would
bring the opposition and the ruling circles of
the country together. Instead, it broke the
'unity' among the opposition parties that had
been manufactured only months ago. It was with
much fanfare and evocation of concerns for the
people and the causes that this latest of the
unities had been brought together. But then that
aplomb and concern is something of a tradition
here. Everything that the politicians do is done
in the name of the people. That is routine. It is
something of a peculiarity of the Indian
politicians that they do it too often and trash
it is equally frequently on the slightest of,
what many would call excuses, but would more
correctly be called interests, narrow, short-term
motives that neither have the care of the people
or the concern for the principles at its basis.
They are calculations cold and indifferent.
Calculations that get the better of everything,
subjugate every concern and make every principle
subsidiary to themselves.
There are moments
in the life of nations when things do become
hopelessly gross. And these are the times when
those nations must sit back and take a due stock
of the penchants that would not see beyond
themselves that would not accommodate anything
else and exclude all issues and affairs in the
single minded pursuit of self-concerns. They all
come wrapped in the fine phrases of most correct
attitudes and attentions but their truth is
belied by the very practice of its propounders.
Principles remain good only so long as they are
the masters. They loose all value when they are
enslaved to petty personal interests. The moment
they are recruited to serve and service
proclivities, not to found, them they become
articles that can only foster bad faith. The
proclamation of principles and concerns across
the wide Indian political spectrum has become
articles of bad faith. They are reiterated when
cold-calculations demand that they be invoked and
are dumped at the slightest indication that they
are not going to serve those calculations. Over
the past decade itself half a dozen 'sincere',
'principled stands' and 'unities' have broken on
this rock of bad faith leaving a bad taste in the
mouths of all concerned people who invest so much
of hope in those 'pious' proclamations.
It is not
difficult to understand the penchant of diverse
segments of specialized and lay opinions for a
'unity' within the political forces of the
country. But it is difficult to understand the
continued trust that the opinions show in these
forces knowing that they are all politicking in
the name of the nation. There, by definition as
well as by percept, the unity is a far cry. And
every action shows that the 'unity' itself is a
calculation not a concern. It may gather on a tea
to defeat a common enemy but would not stand to
defend a certain principle. It may create fronts
when going alone appears difficult but at the
first scent of a win, the facades are torn town.
From the 'grand alliances' in the pre-emergency
era to the more mundane business like ones in the
times after that all have shown an easy
carelessness towards the 'founding principles'.
The breaking of the latest one, the Peoples Front
is not an earthshaking event because it at best
was a loose, very loose grouping. But it is
certainly an occasion to give the national
concerns more thought.
Maharashtra
resolved?
The latest round
of horse-trading in the land of India, this time
in Maharashtra, has ended with all the horses
having been bought back and stabled well. At
least for the time being. Till another
'conscience' pricks all is going to be smooth for
the Deshmukh Government. It has won the trust
vote and 'defeated' its archrival. It has reason
to be satisfied that it not only won the trust
vote but did, in fact, give a satisfying
demonstration of its strength. Though it may be
said that the Government has shown how weak it is
in knees, the fact remains that the alternative
would have been even weaker. There the people
have been spared a possible destabilization and
as well as a spectacle of coarser display of the
interests and selfishnesses masquerading as the
most legitimate concerns of the people. One could
say that if cussedness of this extent could be
evinced in an advanced, developed State like
Maharashtra what would not, what cannot, happen
in other smaller States, but it has been
happening in all States all over the country.
The largest State
UP is having an uneasy collection to rule it.
Bihar's ruling scheme may not be called not be
called uneasy - it weathered a very critical
storm last year without even a hint of a dent -
but it cannot be said that it is anything the
less opportunitic, in any way behind in being as
bashless a clubbing. The people who like to see
the future of Indian democracy in coalitions and
collections the parts as well as whole of India
would do well to take the mechanics and working
of these genuine democracies into consideration.
For it is undeniable that what passes off as
aspirations, hopes and identities is nothing but
a time-serving gathering of interests that has
little to do with the nation, its aims and
objectives, its promise and fulfillment. The bits
and pieces that are believed to reiterate
diversity and give expression to healthy
dissensions are in fact personalities wrangling
for their persona. With each bit and piece
gaining legitimacy we end up with legitimizing
crass ambition and selfishness. Would any of
these egos, enterprises and motives serve this
nation and its promise? Rather, can these
splinters articulate the hope that India and its
creed represent? Pundits, politicians as well as
opinions of this country have to address those
questions.
|
 |
Geelani
- recipient of illegal munificence
Men, Matters and Memories
By M L
Kotru
Am I
shocked by reports that Syed Ali Shah
Geelani, the "principal
plenipotentiary" of Pakistan in our
part of Jammu and Kashmir and leader of
the Kashmir Jamaat-e-Islami and Hurriyat
Conference, has after all been the
recipient of illegal munificence from
sources inimical to Kashmir and New
Delhi. Of course, it will be for the
courts to arbitrate on the allegations
but I am not one whit surprised by what
has already appeared in print, even as I,
like any other law abiding citizen, would
like to wait for a judicial
pronouncement.
That
Pakistan, or those whose sympathies lie
with Islamabad, should have provided
financial support to secessionists,
terrorists and their above-ground
political mentors of Hurriyat, is hardly
a surprise. Haven't we seen aggrieved and
poor Kashmiri Muslim families, who lost a
son or a brother-lured by the call of
jihad - in clashes with security forces
protesting that the Hurriyat leaders had
not paid them the promised help in cases
involving such tragedies. Haven't we
heard of almost every Hurriyat leader
building himself a mansion during the 12
years of the insurgency in Kashmir. Some
have even built more than one, complete
with servants quarters, guest rooms,
attached baths and what have you.
And why
should one grudge poor, old Geelani a
couple of houses in Srinagar. Sopore or
New Delhi, for that matter. After all he
has not exactly been penurious throughout
his long life. Why, he even today
continues to draw his pensions as a
former member of the Jammu and Kashmir
legislature. Does it matter that the
money comes from the consolidated fund of
India. And the good man that he is, he
has continued to accept it even after he
lost faith in the election process in the
State. How can one forget his exalted
status, acquired in his post-MLA years,
as the self-appointed Pakistani
plenipotentiary. And so dedicated has he
been that Islamabad felt impelled to own
him as one of its own.
A
succession of High Commissioners from
Pakistan have been so very fond of the
man. Not only because he was very
committed to their cause but also because
he looked as distinguished in that
'Karakuli' cap and always spoke with rare
elegance and with a conviction that was
firmer than the oath of the loyalty to
the Indian Constitution he took each time
he became as MLA. The Pakistani is were
so pleased with him that they also got
him elected to the Saudi-based Islamic
Council, a rare honour for a man of
humble origins on who had made good
thanks to the politics of manipulation he
mastered in later years.
For some
time now he has even been calling himself
a pioneer of the Kashmir liberation,
predating his activities to an era before
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah appeared on the
scene. Geelani, for all I know, must have
been a child when Sheikh Abdullah
spearheaded his first agitation against
the Maharaja in 1931 and he could
possible have been in school when the
Sheikh broke away from Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah
to form the secular National Conference.
But then, when you are on an ego trip, as
Geelani has been these past few years,
facts lose relevance. Like, when he did
that quick about-turn on his relations
with Abdul Ghani Lone, after Lone was
slain by pro-Pakistanis in Srinagar some
weeks ago. Geelani had accused Lone and
Mirwaiz Farooq of being softliners who
probably even thought of participating in
the forthcoming elections to the State
Assembly. The about-turn became a
necessity after agitated Lone supporters
at the murdered Hurriyat leader's house
accused Pakistan and Geelani of having
got Lone killed. It took Geelani and his
cohort, the Hurriyat chief Abdul Ghani
Bhat the whole night to persuade Lone's
son Sajjad to withdraw the allegation;
they offered places to Sajjad and his
elder brother Bilal in Hurriyat.
Let's
leave Geelani's machinations within the
Hurriyat alone for the present. Dr Ayub
Thakur, a UK-based Kashmiri expatriate,
masquerading as president of the World
Kashmir Freedom Movement, who is named as
one for the sources of funds made
available to Geelani, is an old hand at
such transactions. Ayub in fact figured
in the first major hawala case in 1988 in
which he was linked to three other Dubai
- based operators. Like Dr Fai, another
Kashmiri ex-pat in the US, Ayub Thakur
has been a very convenient conduit for
funding the Hurriyat and the Hizbul
Mujahideen. In fact Ayub has been in
cahoots with the ISI which also made use
of this channel for sending funds to the
Kashmiri jihadis.
It was not
for nothing that L K Advani talked to the
British Minister Jack Straw during his
visit to New Delhi a fortnight ago about
the Ayub menace and indeed asked for his
extradition to India. Advani pointedly
spoke of Ayub's role in diverting funds
to the separatist outfits. He couldn't
possibly have dwelt much on the 1988
affair since some senior politicians in
New Delhi were also involved in one
related hawala episode, arising from the
Jain diaries.
Ayub had
initially been able to canvass support
from among the British liberal political
establishment including Lord Avebury who
at one time was very committed to the
cause of Kashmiri secession. Averbury
subsequently visited Kashmir and met
separatist leaders there. He was visibly
disappointed with what he saw of the
separatists. But that didn't deter Thakur
from keeping Avebury's interest in the
fate of the separatist movement alive.
Sadly for Ayub Thakur, soon after the
three-week-old poll conducted by Mori's
among Kashmiris reported that most of
those polled wished to further Kashmir's
links with India, Avebury went public
dissociating himself from the separatist
path of terror.
Interestingly,
Geelani's latest brush with law came
about following the disclosures made by
Srinagar-based Imtiaz Bazaz, a
self-styled detective, journalist and
would-be TV producer, during his
interrogation. Bazaz who allegedly
spilled the beans saying that Geelani and
Asiya Andrabi, head of the
Dukhtaran-e-Millat, were used as conduits
to send funds to militant groups by Ayub
Thakur. He even helped identify the
respective bank accounts. At the time of
writing, Asiya had escaped the police net
but her husband was arrested the same day
as Geelani.
Interestingly,
Geelani's latest brush with law came
about following the disclosures made by
Srinagar-based Imtiaz Bazaz, a
self-styled detective, journalist and
would-be TV producer, during his
interrogation. Bazaz who allegedly
spilled the beans saying that Geelani and
Asiya Andrabi, head of the
Dukhtaran-e-Millat, were used as conduits
to send funds to militant groups by Ayub
Thakur. He even helped identify the
respective bank accounts. At the time of
writing, Asiya had escaped the police net
but her husband was arrested the same day
as Geelani.
The arrest
of Geelani and the allegations levelled
against him are bound to lead to even
more starting revelations. The truth is
that most of the separatist leaders have
made themselves very comfortable,
material evidence of which is available
in the huge mansions they have built for
themselves. Most of the constructions are
benami. I remember the unseemly
competition among separatists for buying
Kashmiri Pandit properties in some of the
exclusive areas like Baghat-e-Barzulla or
Airport Road in Srinagar. Many have built
houses in Rawalpura - and this when most
of those for whose welfare the money was
received never came to get it.
The
Geelani exposure has come at a most
embarrassing time for the separatists.
Islamabad has proposed to put an end to
further terrorist incursions in the
Valley which would substantially hamper
the functioning of the so-called
indigenous terrorist group, Hizbul
Mujahideen. With sources of money drying
up the Hizb will find it difficult to
carry on its activities even as its
above-ground mentor, the Hurriyat, is
hard put to cover up its financial
wheeling dealing.
Hopefully
all this will not distract New Delhi from
initiating a political process in Jammu
and Kashmir that will significantly alter
the overall situation in the State
Assembly. Mind you, the eyes of the
international community will be focused
the upcoming elections. It's for New
Delhi to make sure that the poll process
is conducted in a transparent manner.
Kashmir must be allowed to elect a truly
representative Government of its own. It
would be useful in this context for the
BJP - led coalition to assure the State
that its demand for greater autonomy will
be taken up at the earliest. Of help
would be the BJP's assurance that it has
withdrawn its objection to the retention
of Article 370 of the Constitution.
|
When
peace is a 'sell out'!......
Yours Randomly
By Dr R L
Bhat
For two
and half years prior to WTC Musharraf
survived international indignation on his
cry of corruption and Kashmir. Of course,
not in that order. There Kashmir, to
which Pakistan has no legitimate claim,
where Pakistan and its rulers can have no
moral, humanitarian or even democratic
argument, has always been the first
slogan for every democrat as well as
despondent. It is easy to visualize that
had Kashmir opted to go to Pakistan at
the time of independence it would have
been another mahajir-land there. In fact,
the Kashmirs have a history of having
protested against the 'suzerainty' of
Punjabi Muslims long before anybody else
in the subcontinent came to see it. The
State subject law promulgated by the
erstwhile Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir
in 1927 was to answer the Kashmiris'
complaints against the same demination
against which the mohajirs as well as the
other ethic tribes have been fighting in
the Mamlikat-I-Khuda-Dad, for the last
several decades. But that truth does not
prevent the Pakistanis from imbibing
Kashmir to the extent that it now
'courses through each of the bodies'
there, if President Musharraf is to be
believed.
It was
that high coursing blood that the general
rode when he was not the president. It is
singular that even though his take-over
had little legitimacy it was rather
welcomed in Pakistan than then languished
in grim silence for the simple fact of
having withdrawn from the Kargil
misadventure. Nawaz was not given much
opportunity to cry out to the people; he
was taken over in a couple of hours and
locked up for the rest of his stay in the
country. The people, however, did not
rise, did not protest, even did not
murmur against the open murder of
democracy there. For the people who want
to understand the mechanics of this
young-some say, foundation-less nation
-it is important to note that silence.
Nawaz had 'sinned' in drawing back from
an illegal aggression in Kargil and the
architect of that illegitimacy easily
stepped into the chair occupied by Nawaz.
He stood there comfortably, on the
strength of a virtual verborrhoea on
Kashmir from the podia of his chiefship,
latter presidency, Agra and other
meetings and conference.
That and
the 'supporting' cries of corruption
against his two living but exiled
political predecessor. They sustained an
usurper in power when he did not even
have a tenuous referendum to support him.
Pakistan supported him in the 'good work'
while the world cried foul. An early
appeal to the Indian Prime Minister by
Nawaz Sheriff's son, in the name of
democracy and freedom about which the
whole world was highly exercised, was
hastily withdrawn when he sensed the mood
of the people and how that appeal could
'discredit' his father and, probably,
send him off to gallows on the double.
Nobody cried about a 'sell out', none
protested against the open usurpation,
none was agitated over the subversion of
the democracy and the rule of law,
whatever of it Pakistan had then. It
still does not have it. The usurpation
has now been legitimized in a way that
most of legitimacies are leglized there
in the land of true.
The
corruption, of course, continues at its
old pace. And so does the promise of
ending it stand where it was at the
inception. The judges are sworn to the
new loyalties much like the old days when
the new occupations of the Kilafat throne
would be acclaimed in Khutabas
countrywide. To mitigate the democratic
worries there is the promise of
elections, though none can say how good
that promise is. Not a very promising
scenario but as good as any the people
there have been accustomed to. Or, should
one say, as good as any they have been
approving of. It was so till one week
back. And till that time the general rode
the indifferent hourse. There were
mummers over the 'dumping' of
Taliban-terrorism that is, though few see
it that way there. But most of them had
been reasoned out by the press and
intellectuals as something of
inevitabilities. In fact, the media
hailed Musharraf for having brought
Pakistan out of a known complicity there
and saved it from a sure liability.
And then
came the slightest move towards peace.
Pakistan has not promised anything, has
done precious little. The latest of the
Musharrafian speeches spoke more of 'the
moral, diplomatic etc. etc. support' for
the terrorists than peace or commitment
to it. But somehow an impression has
gained ground that at long last Musharraf
may come to implement some of the
promises he made to the world and his
nation six months ago. And, it has
brought the charge of a sell-out on his
head! There are rumblings all over. The
military that is seen as being solidly
behind him is becoming restive. The
fundamentalists who had gone rather
shamefaced since the Afghanistan fall
have gained audiences and are being
listened to with favour and fevor. And
they are traversing the length of the
country decrying a 'sell-out'.
Remember,
peace has not been ushered in; the moves
towards the peace and de-escalation are
still to take off. The terrorists are
still operating there from. But there is
just an indication that the President of
Pakistan may not be able to postpone any
more the promise of leaving the path of
belligerence, may discourage the
terrorists. He may not have much clout
over these forces, but may just get the
army not to facilitate them. And it is
already being called a 'sell-out' there.
Where will you reach with that sort of
fix? The concerned of this world cannot
help asking. Yes, where?
|
MEN
AND MATTERS
Drug money
sustains Pak nuclear plan
From B L
Kak
Drug money
plays- and, indeed, has played- a vital
role for Pakistan's nuclear programme.
Doubts, if any in this regard, have been
set at rest by the Paris-based
non-Governmental organisation, called OGD
(Observatoire Geopolitique de Drogues).
Its none-too-old report has revealed that
Pakistani intelligence officials had
admitted that their country's nuclear
programme was financed by drug money.
Crores of
rupees generated by narcotics trade in
Pakistan have also been pumped into the
manufacture of missiles of different
kinds in that country- of course, with
the help and guidance from North Korea
and China. These missiles, if used can
cause widespread destruction.
While
Haft-I missile has a range of 75 to 100
Km, Haft-II has a reach of around 250 km
if tipped with the 500 kg warhead. The
range can be extended to 450 km by
reducing the load of the warhead to 300
kg. Short-term missiles were recently
moved closer to the International Border
in Jammu sector and across the Punjab
border.
Why did Mr
Rafiq Tarar, former President of
Pakistan, congratulate Mr Seth Haffi Amin
and his brother, Mr Seth Abid Asharaf?
These two financiers have been alleged to
be responsible for the secret financial
networks of Mr Tarar's family, in
particular laundering networks operating
in Britain, the United Arab Emirates
(UAE), Hong Kong and Singapore. After the
OGD report, many strategic analysts are
wondering whether the Chinese have
transferred nuclear and missile
technology as part of narcotic money
laundering.
Quite a
few started suspecting that eve the
Chinese love for the Myanmar military
junta from 1989 onwards is part of the
narcotic money laundering opportunities
China offers. Some observers even believe
that militancy in Punjab in the past and
in Jammu and Kashmir since 1989 are
financed by money earned through the
narcotic trade. The expansion of
activities to such a magnitude by the
narcotic trade is largely attributed to
enable itself to operate freely all
around the world.
The Pak
Government of Mr Nawaz Sharif, the high
officials in the federal administration
and the provincial administration include
numerous members from the Khattak,
Saifullah, Afridi and Arab tribes and
are, as pointed out by the OGD report,
deeply involved in the production,
transformation and trafficking of
narcotics. Mr Zia Bakht Butt,
brother-in-law of Mr Nawaz Sharif and a
wanted man by the US Drug Enforcement
Agency, is alleged to have influenced a
lot of appointments for arms and drug
trafficking to India.
The
various agencies, particularly the
Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence
(ISI), continue to use drug money to
finance the work of at least 10
fundmantalist organisations operating in
Kashmir as well as groups in Tajikistan
and even Chechnya. The ISI also uses its
ill-gotten funds to support Muslim
fundamentalist movements like
Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed. If
the OGD report were to be believed, as
many as 140 Pakistani Air Force officers
are involved, directly or indirectly, in
narcotic trafficking. No wonder, Indian
intelligence specialists reasonably
presume that a substantial number of the
Pakistani Army and navy officers are also
involved in narcotic trade.
In the
post-sanctions period, the Pakistani
economy sustained itself on money from
the narcotic trade. In the mid-1990s, the
United Nations Drug Enforcement Agency
had estimated that around 5 per cent of
Pakistan's GNP (Gross National Product)
was generated through narcotic trade.
Another exhaustive report of America's
CIA listed how the narcotic money was
being used for gun running and political
violence in Pakistan's neighbourhood.
There is no denying that 70 to 80 per
cent of the illegal narcotic production
comes from the three regions of the
world-from parts of the Myanmar-Thailand
route known as the Golden Triangle, and
from Pakistan-Afghanistan route known as
the Golden Crescent, and from Latin
America.
Another
finding in the OGD report :
Afghan-Pakistani narcotic networks
operating in Nepal since 1985 with
linkages of the ISI decided to make Nepal
the centre of their activities. The aim,
apparently, is to destabilize India, by
providing assistance to minorities
fighting for 'independence' and terrorist
groups. Certain agencies suspect now that
these Pak-Afghan narcotic traffickers
have shifted their operations to Sri
Lanka.
Recently,
an American visitor in New Delhi, after
his tour of some areas in Pakistan, had
an interesting story about the gun-making
industry town of Darra Adam Khel in
Pakistan: Rebel armies, from Africa,
Latin America, Asia, have all sent their
middlemen to buy in Darra Adam Khel. The
town, populated by nearly 3 lakh people
of the Afridi tribe, is isolated, but
world politics have determined its
fortunes.
The boom
years began in 1979, after the Russians
invaded Afghanistan. Afghans took up arms
and went to war with backing from the
United States. There were few better
places to buy their weapons than Darra
Adam Khel. Anti-aircraft guns, even
Stinger missiles, could be had. The
number of manufacturers grew from a few
hundred to at least 8,000. Back then, the
demand was so great that a Kalashnikov
cost at least 1,000 dollars. Today, a
buyer can walk away with one for 75
dollars.
The
American visitor has confirmed that
foreigners are distinctly not welcome in
Darra Adam Khel. More than 3,000
father-and-son operations, manufacturing,
trading and selling weapons from their
box-like open-front shops, stand one
after another along the main drag and the
arcades off it. The American visitor
informed this correspondent that he has
recorded that there are pistols and
hunting rifles, sniper rifles,
Kalashnikovs and M-16s, new, used and
modified.
More
chilling, perhaps, are the pen
pistols-unscrew the body, insert a
bullet, pull the top, as if taking it off
to get an eraser, to cock it, then fire
by pushing on the clip that hangs the
'pen' on the pocket. It seems such a
weapon would slip past airport security.
Price : Rs 400 for 'a good one''. The
gunsmithing, passed down from generation
to generation, goes back at least a
century. Gen. Parvez Musharraf, too, does
not deny the fact: Bring a gun, of any
kind, and some one in the town of Darra
Adam Khel will make a copy, quickly, just
as good, a lot cheaper.
|
|
 |
Seperate
state for Gujjars
By Shamsheer Hakla
Poonchi
It is an
established reality that Jammu and Kashmir State
is inhabited by a bulk of Gujjar and Bakerwal
population. According to an estimate, this
community consists of about over 25 lacs.
Problems and needs of this community are quite
different from other communities of the State.
Language and culture of Gujjar community is also
different than those of other communities of the
State that is why this community has its own
peculiar position. People of this community live
for away from the dense population of cities and
towns of the state in deep forests or steep
mountain caves. These people are most backward
from social, educational and political point of
view. They dont have houses but tents. And these
tents are tattered. In short these people live a
miserable life.
Modern science has
not brought about any change in their lives.
These people of Gujjar and Bakerwal community are
for behind from the advanced communities of the
world outside by thousands of years. Recognising
their backwardness, Govt of India granted them ST
status under ordinance No. 3 of 1991 under
article 342 of the Constitution of India on April
19, 1991. At the lapse of over eleven years since
their grant of ST status, the Govt of Jammu and
Kashmir state, have not granted them all the
privileges admissible under ST Status. If at all
the state has granted any privilege to the Gujjar
Bakerwal community on State Government level, it
is not based on proper rules and
regulations.Those persons of this community who
have been provided Govt jobs under ST Category in
different departments have not been provided with
their full quota of reservation. Apart from it,
those candidates who were supposed to be
recruited under open quota, have been taken in
reserved category. This practice has further
limited the scope of getting them Govt jobs which
debarred of Gujjar Bakerwal community candidates
to secure Govt jobs on S.T. basis.
Under reserved
quota S.T. candidates are eligible for five
percent of promotions in various Govt jobs but
the State Govt have failed to provide promotions
under reserved promotion rules. This
discrimination has created great resentment among
the Gujjar Bakerwal community of J&K State.
So far as their
participation in state politics is concerned,
under S.T. status norms, there should have been
reservation of seats for Gujjar Bakerwal
candidates in State Assembly and the Lok Sabha
election constituencies, but it did not happen
anywhere in the State of Jammu and Kashmir,
thereby the State Govt has done a great injustice
to Gujjar and Bakerwal community.
Further more, in
the state of J&K there are twenty one State
Assembly and two Lok Sabha segments which are
mostly inhabited by Gujjars. Such segments must
have been reserved for Gujjar candidates but due
to indifferent attitude of State Govt the
community stands deprived of this political
right.
It would be
appropriate to mention here that all the efforts
made by Central Govt for the development of
Gujjar and Bakerwal community of J&K State,
have been deliberately obstructed by the State
Govt for the past many decades which resulted in
their utter political, social, economical and
educational backwardness.
Keeping in view
the aforementioned circumstances and to ensure
the all round development of Gujjar and Bakerwal
community of Jammu and Kashmir State, a separate
state under the name of ''Gujjarasthan'' must be
created. It would be only then that their
economical, educational, political and social
backwardness could be removed and this community
may get due justice, and towards.
|
 |
|