Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

One the face of it there is nothing unusual about ‘lawlessness’; the nation has been seeing enough of it for many years now. The operative word around here is ‘under control’; if the situation remains ‘under control’ the Government as well as the people would apparently be happy and thankful. Probably, that is why few people have taken note of two stark instances of total lack of security and order. The first is about an Inspector General of Police of Haryana. Police force of two states has been searching for him, and is singularly unable to trace him. Now if the IGP of police goes missing and the police force of two states are unable to trace him, the efficacy or even plain utility of police as a force to ensure the rule of law and compliance to it comes under question. It raises serious doubts whether these men can or (as some might say) would apprehend criminals, catch them and secure the general public from their clutches. Of course, the fact that a senior police officer would be wanted for the capital crime is a still harsher statement on the health of the law enforcement people of the country....more

Fair enough

Psychic power

Bharat Jhunjhunwala

Anti-Delhi fashion
is their passion

By B L Kak

Make Greater Autonomy
demand clear

By Daya Sagar

The Greater Autonomy or Au-tonomy as is being talked about in reference to J&K has to be addressed seriously. There is no scope to address it casually. The Greater Autonomy that the J&K leadership (it is mostly from Kashmir valley and the party leaders from Jammu Region have to simply raise hands) is talking about is surely not the same Autonomy (internal) that has been suggested/demanded by some for States....more

EDITORIAL

Lawlessness!

The dimensions that are being alleged are fraught with even greater implications. The wife of the police officer, who herself has allegedly gone underground, (at least the police who went looking for her have, reportedly, not found her) alleged at a press conference that her husband is bring ‘framed’. Now if a ranking police officer just ‘one and a half steps away from the DGP's post’ can be ‘framed’ what of the ordinary citizen? What security would he/she enjoy? But it does not rest there; it gets outright bizarre. It is the home ministry (or someone there), she alleges, that is ‘trying to frame’ the IGP! And the family of this police officer does not feel ‘safe’ enough with ‘their’ police. With this scale of lawlessness (one here is not talking of the remote northeastern hills or ravines of Chambal, but the union capital and its close environs!) it is difficult even to believe that the situation around is even ‘under control’. Who is there as would not feel insecure in this State of a practical breakdown of law and order? And, who would be safe and secure if the police and its highest officers and their families are so constrained, or so tainted?

NONE, answers the adjoining state of Uttar Pradesh! There the very Chief Minister is feeling so ‘threatened’ that she has gone public about it announcing that she has ‘informed’ the President and the Prime Minister about it. Now if the Chief Minister of the State is not secure whose security is she ensuring? Which law and order is she presiding over? Who would guarantee the life of the people and how if the head of the State Government is not safe and secure? If the ‘allegation’ is a gimmick as the opposition of that State believes what horrible portents does it pose for the goverance in accordance with the constitution of the country and its constituent states? What is even more distressing is the fact that these very troubling scenarios have not been taken due note of. They have been met with an apathetic indifference that indicates the depth to which the expectations have fallen. If matters of this grave implication are taken as routine things, it is difficult to think what would perturb the complacence of this nation and its conscience. Or, if anything at all would!

Fair enough

The assurance of the National Conference president and Union Minister of State Omar Abdullah that he would get the State Government to opt for elections under Governor's rule if the Hurriyat agrees to participate in the elections is a fair offer, which should put an end to the controversy of ‘elections under Governor's rule’. As it is, the demand has been raised and articulated during the recent past by the Congress party, which is somehow seeing itself as the main ‘opposition’ in the State. Though BJP is also in the opposition - its leader in the house being actually the ‘Leader of Opposition’ in the State Legislature - its association with the ruling NC at the national level has given the its claims a lie of sorts. Though the state BJP is at pains to present itself as being ‘opposed’ to the party ruling the state and has equal ’‘fears’ that elections under the NC would not be fair, and would like as much if not more to have Governor's rule in State, it is difficult for the party to tell itself distinctly from the ruling league. In Kapil Dev's phrase: yeh baat kuch hazam nahin hoti. As for the rest of the political parties they may also want to have elections under Governor's rule. But it is more a self-serving stance than a principled stand.

Thus while the Congress clearly says that elections cannot be ‘fair’ under Farooq Abdullah, it would not extend that reasoning or ‘fears’ to the Congress Governments. It is something like saying that ‘we’ alone are or can be fair. Would it, for example, like the coming State elections in MP to be held with Digvijay Government out, under Governor's rule? The opposition BJP there has as many apprehensions, ‘fears’ about the ‘free and fair’ conduct of the ruling party. The same can be said of the other fourteen states where the Congress rules. Would they accept holding elections in all these states under Presidents rule? Or, are not these ‘fears’ more relevant in Bihar where Congress is a part of the ruling clique? Shouldn't Governor's rule be applied there for even day-to-day governance? Rules and laws must be respected in letter and spirit. Unless there is something extraordinary like the promise of Hurriyat and other dissenting groups to participate in the elections, there simply is no occasion for raising the demand. Or, politicking on it. The politics and its practice have to be fair to be credible.

Psychic power

Bharat Jhunjhunwala

It is an unquestionable fact that a large number of women in our country as well as the rest of the world feel oppressed and helpless. They value and cherish their roles as mothers and homemakers and devote themselves to the upbringing of the next generation in their prime of youth. They are much pained when, despite this devotion, they are treated as second- class citizens and deprived of respect and value in the home and society. The oft-repeated question 'what do you do?' makes a woman feel that her contribution as mother has no value whatsoever.

Our leaders--Gandhi, Vinoba, Vivekananda and Aurobindo--espousing the 'liberal' feminist position, have all stressed the importance of the role of women as mothers. But they have all failed to provide a weapon to the women which they can use if they are denied their rightful position in the family. All they have to offer is for the woman to suffer in silence and pray to god for deliverance. Such prayers do bear fruit but it may take much time. It is hard for the questioning mind of the day to accept the same anyway.

On the other hand the 'radical' feminist position which is implicitly espoused by the supporters of women's reservation like Prime Minister Vajpayee, holds that the differences in the psychology of men and women are essentially due to social conditioning. Given proper training both are equally capable of engaging in external works like business and politics. This view does not provide any relief to the women either. They are actually psychologically different, therefore, they land up with a double burden. They take upon themselves the additional responsibilities of earning in the name of empowerment but also spontaneously continue to discharge their earlier responsibilities of homemaking. Worse, in most cases, the man continues to hold sway over the woman's income. In the quest of equality they are left worse off.

The problem cannot be solved until both men and women understand that their psychologies are different and also become aware of their respective strengths-- 'weapons', so to say. True equality will come not by a meek surrender of women to the man; not by seeking equality with him. It will come by both recognizing the peculiar strengths of the other and respecting and valuing his or her partner for the same.

This line of thinking, however, has not been acceptable to either the liberals or the radicals. The liberals have no idea of what the peculiar strengths of women may be. The radicals fear that a case for their enslavement is being made under the banner of non-existing psychological differences. After all, the conservative and liberals have consistently eulogized the female qualities of love and sacrifice and made it into an instrument for the subjugation of women.

The key to the solution of this difficulty lies in clearly comprehending the superior psychological abilities of women. Only then they would be able to get their rightful place in the family while enjoying their role as mothers. The clue to this superiority of women comes from yoga psychology.

The human psyche is said to be located in seven Chakras in the spinal column. Each chakra has a particular location and quality. The mooladhar chakra at the bottom of the spinal column controls the basic physiological functions like those of the heart. The swadhisthana chakra above it controls the sex drive.

The Manipur chakra located behind the navel controls the stomach and also the ability of determined action. The anahata chakra located behind the heart controls emotions and paranormal perception. The vishuddhi chakra located in the throat holds subconscious thoughts and controls the ENT system. The ajna chakra located behind the eyes in the center of the power of logic and worldly action. The sahasrahara chakra located at the top of the head is the center of spiritual powers.

These chakras are common to both the male and female. But the relative power of the chakras are different in the two sexes. The anahata chakra--the controller of emotions and paranormal perception--is stronger among women. Thus women are more emotional and intuitive. Most persons will confirm that women more frequently are able to guess the name of the person who is calling when the phone rings. This is due to their intuitive powers being stronger. Shakuntala Devi is directly able to perceive the solution to complex mathematical equations. The yogic tradition says that teachers of tantra have to be women because they can more easily connect with the disciple.

The ajna chakra--the center of logical thinking and worldly action--is stronger among men. Thus, men are generally more successful in logic-related disciplines and the physical sciences. Chess players and mathematicians are rarely women.

This difference in the male-female psychology is genetic and physiological. It has nothing to do with social conditioning or upbringing. Of course, it is possible for a few women to have more powerful ajna chakra than other men and vice versa. But normally the ajna chakra is alive and strong in the male and the anahata chakra in the female.

The material world, fortunately or unfortunately, is materialist. Thus the male-centered powers of logic and worldly action are at a premium. The women- centered powers of intuition, emotions and direct perception are at a discount. As a result the educational establishment has taught the women of their psychic abilities. The women are like Lord Rama in the battlefield of Lanka--forgetting that the brahmastra lies in their arsenal till he was reminded of the same. They are themselves not aware of their psychic powers. They, therefore, consider themselves to be weak and abala.

The Indian tradition implicitly recognized this fact. Thus the Manu Smriti simultaneously says two seemingly opposite things. One, that 'Gods reside where the women are honoured.' The basic idea is that women are able to maintain and strengthen the psychic balance in the man if honoured. The story of Savitri bringing back her husband Satyavan from the jaws of death is an example of what can be achieved by the psychic power of women when fully developed. Two, it is said that women should follow the husband in the eternal world. The woman is Durga inside and abala outside.

The solution to the problem of male-female relationship will come when both men and women recognize the psychic powers of women. Then women will be aware that while being homemakers they are helpless only in a limited physical sense. If the man can physically assault them, they can psychically disable him. The awareness and cultivation of this power would remove the sense of weakness and helplessness that they are afflicted with. We would then have a third route to women's empowerment--the psychic. The liberal route of sacrifice and motherhood fails because it gives no weapon to the women with which to assert herself. The radical position fails because it forces women to compete with men in the external works where they are psychologically weaker. They then take on the additional responsibilities of homemaking and are doubly exploited. The correct way is for women to accept their different psychology and to cultivate their psychic powers. Man will ignore that power only at his peril.

Anti-Delhi fashion is their passion

By B L Kak

It appears that New Delhi is going to bungle once again in Kashmir. Even as there is enough evidence vis-à-vis the depleting influence and clout of the All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC) over the majority of peace-hungry Kashmiris, the Vajpayee Government has allowed wrong signals to go out, one after another, in recent days. One of the signals seeks to project the 23-party conglomerate, better known as Hurriyat Conference, as the super force. And hence, the need to woo the Hurriyat leaders, despite the fact that majority of them have not hitherto been able to build sizeable pockets of influence for themselves in the Valley of Kashmir.

The story of the followers of Maulvi Umar Farooq, late Abdul Ghani Lone and Mr Shabir Shah is totally different from that of the rest of the Hurriyat leaders. Mr Shabir Shah, who is not associated with the Hurriyat Conference, has his own constituency. Similarly, the Hurriyat’s former chairman, Maulvi Umar Farooq, enjoys confidence and support of a section of Muslims in Srinagar, known as ‘Bakraaz’. And followers of the assassinated Hurriyat stalwart, Mr Lone, are quite active in Baramulla and Kupwara districts of Kashmir.

Less said about other self-styled political stalwarts of the Hurriyat Conference the better. This fact may not be acceptable to the high-profile chairman of "Kashmir committee", Mr Ram Jethmalani, simply because of his urge to steel the show as the new trouble-shooter. Who will tell Mr Jethmalani that the Hurriyat Conference has many a trouble-maker? The Prime Minister, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, is supporting, albeit quietly, Mr Jethmalani’s experiment in Kashmir. Both Mr Vajpayee and his former Ministerial colleague (Mr Ram Jethmalani) can’t challenge yet another fact: Most leaders and functionaries of the Hurriyat Conference have benefited by playing the Pakistan card. Anti-Delhi fashion is their passion. Or it can be said that anti-Delhi passion is their fashion.

Wrong signal number two: The Prime Minister chose to keep alive the demand for Governor’s rule in Jammu and Kashmir until the end of the Assembly elections even after the announcement of the four-phase poll schedule for the State by the Chief Election Commissioner the other day. Mr Vajpayee was reported to have told a delegation of Congress leaders that he would discuss the matter with the J&K Chief Minister, Dr Farooq Abdullah. If the announcement of the poll schedule left little room for the removal of the democratically elected Government in J&K, why did Mr Vajpayee decide to keep alive the controversy over the intentions of the National Conference regime?

Wrong signal number three: The Vajpayee Government’s more-than-necessary emphasis on the "free, fair and credible" elections in Jammu and Kashmir internationalized the local issue of elections to the J&K Legislative Assembly to such an extent that it, emboldened, in the process, outsiders, including the countries like the USA, Britain and France to give lessons on the methodology and mechanism to be employed for conducting elections.

Wrong signal number four: If the conduct of Assembly polls in any part of India is purely an internal affair, and if Jammu and Kashmir State is, New Delhi has repeatedly declared, an "integral" part of the Indian Union, why should the B JP- led ruling coalition at the Centre think of one methodology for J&K polls and another for Gujarat? Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee has chosen to ignore the Opposition demand for President’s rule in Gujarat until the completion of poll process in the State. But he has a different song to sing in case of Jammu and Kashmir.

Wrong signal number five: Mr Ram Jethmalani, who is known for being in touch with Mr Vajpayee and the Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, Mr LK Advani, following the formation of "Kashmir committee", has found potency only among the Hurriyat leaders. That he has allowed himself to remain ignorant about the substantial increase in the number of Hurriyat’s critics and opponents across Jammu and Kashmir in recent times can be explained by his reported pronouncement: "I think the elections without their (Hurriyat’s) participation will be a farce… Don’t expect the APHC to surrender. Welcome them, honour them, compliment them and invite them for talks".

Did the Prime Minister want Mr Jethmalani to publicly argue that as per the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution, the Centre has powers to dismiss the State Government and impose Governor’s rule without the State Government’s consent? Who will tell Mr Jethmalani that his pronouncement, in this regard, will only further deepen the average Kashmiri’s anti-Delhi feeling? Many Kashmiri Muslims haven’t forgiven Mr Jagmohan for his move, dismissing the Farooq Abdullah regime in 1990 without the concurrence of the State Government.

Who will tell Mr Jethmalani that most leaders of the Hurriyat Conference are not sure of their victory in the event of their joining the battle of the ballot? Who will tell Mr Jethmalani that there are sections of Kashmiri electorate who have been found quite "keen" on teaching a lesson or two to the Hurriyat’s self-proclaimed protectors of the people of Kashmir?

One may describe Mr Omar Abdullah, president of the ruling National Conference party and Minister of State for External Affairs, as a "political novice". But his promised support to Governor’s rule in J&K in the event of the participation of the Hurriyat Conference in the coming polls will have to be studied in the context of the APHC’s compulsions to keep itself away from the Assembly elections. Obviously, Mr Omar Abdullah is more knowledgeable than Mr Jethmalani about the handicaps of the Hurriyat leaders.

Mr Omar Abdullah and his father, Dr Farooq Abdullah, will have to accept that when one is talking about election in Jammu and Kashmir, the security concerns aggravate manifold. With the announcement of the poll programme by the Election Commission, the ball is now in the Government’s court to ensure peaceful and trouble-free environment where the people of the State can vote without fear.

Given the circumstances, as they prevail in J&K now-a-days, and as, in fact, they have prevailed for more than a decade, making fool-proof security arrangements for the election seems an impossible task. The people of J&K are, at present, living through a particularly tough phase. The recent spate of terrorist attacks in the State can only have pushed them further into insecurity. That Kashmiris are a resilient people is not a matter of debate or doubt. But even the toughest of them all can bend ,if not break, in the face of such persistent violence to which they are being subjected.

The Election Commission has made the task of the Government easier by deciding on a four-phase poll programme that will provide the authorities with enough flexibility as well as time to move the security forces around in a manner that ensures their optimal and efficient use. Governor’s rule in the troubled State will not wipe out threats of sorts to the poll programme. Going by the experience of previous elections, one can expect a fresh thrust in terrorist activity in J&K in the coming days and weeks, even before the polling takes place. And it is here that the Government will have to put all its resources together to combat the terrorist threat.

Make Greater Autonomy demand clear

By Daya Sagar

Those calling for greater Autonomy need to reason its benefits and objectives to those who oppose it or are not that much for or against. Similarly those who see any damage to the people of J&K and Union of India in such demand must too discuss their views with the promoters and convince them.

National Conference has made the issue live (after nearly having shelved it during the years Indira Gandhi) through the political resolution adopted in 1994 and there after through the resolution passed unanimously by J&K Legislative Assembly on the report of State Autonomy Committee on 26.06.2000 that calls for near return to Pre-1953 August days.

The Union Cabinet had out rightly rejected the SAC report and had suggested the State Government to come forward with the problems the State is facing to conduct its development and routine functions due to the laws those were extended to J&K as applicable in other States with due endorsements of the State Governments of the day.

And now on 15 July 02 Dr Farooq Abdullah had again opened the chapter suggesting that GOI had agreed and even retained a senior leader for discussing the SAC Resolution of 2000 with the State Government/its representative. Dr Farooq as well as Omar Abdullah have also suggested that once the issues are discussed the settlement could be any where in between after either side is convinced in the interest of the people of State in particular and India in general. And Mr L K Advani announced on the floor of Lok Sabha on 16th July that former Law Minister Arun Jaitley will be Center's point man to discuss with JK Government and political parties there the issue of devolution of more powers to State adding that J&K was a special State and the Government has no objection to giving it more powers.

And what the NC leadership of J&K has said since issue (22 July 02) of the notification on Jaitley's appointment as representative of Centre (on purely honorary basis) for carrying out an exercise on the issue of devolution of powers with regards to the State (J&K) and matters related thereto and first meeting (25 July 02) Jaitley had with the representative of J&K Government Mr Ghulam Mohi-ud-Din Shah has been left by Mr Jaitley to the common man to interpret simply suggesting that those who needed any clarification on views like return to 1953 days could refer to the notification issued on his appointment.

And the next meeting was scheduled to the held on 9th August (02) nearly giving it a sure 1953 face lift since Sheikh Abdullah was arrested by the orders of then Sadar-e-Riyasat Yuvraj Karan Singh Ji Bahadur on 9th August 1953 allegedly for his having played some thing against the Dominion of India to which the Maharaja of Jammu Kashmir had acceded in 1947 as per the provisions of the Indian Independence Act 1947 (passed by British Parliament on 17 June 1947) and Government of India Act 1935. What problem Mr Jaitley had in giving a clear and simple reply could be any body's guess, but surely the minds do not appear to be clear.

So, there appear to be no dead end to the NC resolution on return to 1953 days and this will be an issue that will just toss from one election to another. But surely the innocent minds will remain confused simply to benefit the politicians of J&K (Kashmir region in particular and a small bit to those from Jammu Region).

With the demands like Greater Autonomy the people of Jammu Province of J&K State as well as those of Ladakh Region of J&K State have turned critical about people of Kashmir Region, rather had become critical of Kashmir region. Surely this is not in the interest of the people of J&K even if one assumes that one day J&K State will be reorganized and so it does not matter. In addition who say rhetoric in feeling proud of the monolithic historic bonds of people of J&K have too worked against their own slogan by talking of only Kashmiriat in reference to J&K.

Common man of J&K has over the years remained so much occupied with the problems like poor economic growth and has always been depending upon the assistance from Government of India. All development schemes and subsidies have been through the resources resting at New Delhi. The innocent masses had practically no time for looking in the issues like Greater Autonomy and hence have been mis carried at occasions by the politically motivated views and logics extended by those who are near to their religion or region from either side. Politician has succeeded in motives over the years. But now there is utmost need to educate the common man about concepts behind the Greater Autonomy with particular reference to pre 1953 position, as many have tried to shortly define it. It is even in the interest of those who are either conceptually against it or are in favour of moving to pre 1953 days administratively as well as politically.

*It has not so far even partly spelt out that how the rights of the common man as well as the local Government of J&K have been encroached upon by the Government of India or the Indian Parliament so as to inflict heavy damage on the people of J&K.

*What has been the damage as inflicted on the economy of J&K after 9th August 1953 needs to be made known to those who have no political interests in such issues.

*Over the years much has been talked about the Kashmiri and Kashmiriat or their identity that has unfortunately only created doubts and divisions in the minds of Kashmiri Muslims (in particular) including their status with respect to India and the intentions of Governments at New Delhi.

*How would moving out of financial integration with Union of India will help and benefit a common man in Kashmir needs to be explained by those who call them greatest Indian but still call for relationship not beyond what was contained in the instrument of Accession. And of course any thing otherwise by the other side.

*The goods of Autonomy Resolution are not well known even to the people from Kashmir valley, what to talk of other regions.

*How would restoration of pre 1953 position put an end to the turmoil in J&K in general and Kashmir valley in particular. Will the interference from Pakistan end with this? If not then what relation does it have with what is happening in J&K as is alleged by some that the aspirations of the people are to be met.

*What socio economic damage has been caused due to alleged erosion of Autonomy of J&K at the Hands of Governments in New Delhi over the years must be spelled out.

*The J&K time clock when made to turn anti clock even to November 1956 (what to talk of 8th August 1953 days), a new Constitution will have to be drawn since the State will not be able to transact the internal local business democratically with out a Constitution and use of Indian Constitution Application Order of 1950 shall not be advisable after having passed through so high over tones against the extension of Acts of Indian Parliament to the State J&K over the years although the endorsements had been made by the elected representatives of the people in the J&K Legislature. This needs to be answered and explained to those for whom Greater Autonomy of 1953 is being demanded.

*When the instrument of accession as offered by Maharaja Hari Singh was the same as was that of other Indian Princes in the British Empire, which other special document enshrined special status on J&K as regards the accession.

When the decision on Accession or other wise rested only with the Prince, how do the Kashmiries claim that they had the right to decide which way to go?

*Pakistan was carved out of British India and not Greater India, therefore any one who contests that being Muslim majority State J&K had preferred status, choice and right to join the theocratic State of Pakistan needs to explain and convince those who are against the Autonomy pre 1953 type in the interest of the monolithic structure of J&K.

*Provisions of Article 370 if not applicable, there will no Constitution of J&K, a new Constituent Assembly will have to be Constituted by the then "Yuvraj Karan Singh" (now Dr Karan Singh, may be he will have to do so as Maharaja now). After having lived for 55 years in a Democracy, return to a State of reworking could be more damaging to the future of J&K, if not it needs to be explained in plain and simple language. May be some on the other side will change their mind set in favour of Greater Autonomy.

*Those who often talk like as recently done by one of the Kashmiri leaders in a programme conducted by Barkha Dutt on Star TV on 4th August 02 stating that no to Greater Autonomy could lead to secession since those who are this day steering the militancy and anti India movement in Kashmir valley (in particular) have succeeded to great extent in convincing people that injustice has been done to Kashmiris and commitments made to them have not been kept and hence pro Indian Political units need some tool (like return to 1953 days) to cause a retreat. Atleast he has been honest in disclosing that the political leadership has nearly lost the social control and others could say that the Kashmiri leadership in this day caught between the devil and the sea since all these years such leadership has also talked of New Delhi having not kept the trust and treating Kashmir as a colony. Even leaders like Mr Mufti Mohd Sayeed are often saying that so far elections in J&K have not been fair. What more is required to water the anti India seeds, one would simply ask?

*And here comes another simple question of Human Rights, if not civil rights. How will the Greater Autonomy (1953) conditions help the pleading leadership in making the return of Kashmiri Hindu simple and honourable. Thirteen years in exile, have let down New Delhi before the world and innocent Kashmiri Muslim before those in other Indian States.