EDITORIAL
Inner
party dictatorship
Democracy is the mantra
here. The political parties here would not compromise an
iota on the democracy and openness. In fact, the greatest
criticism that a party would level on its opponents is
that of thwarting democracy. And, no party alive and
politicking wants to be accused of jeopardizing
democracy. When the parties have nothing to criticize a
move for, the usual pretext is also that of endangering
democracy. There, the most appropriate action becomes
suspect. This is what is happening to POTO. There is no
logical opposition anybody can mount, no criticism that
would .more
Hizbul
cracks
Cryng out for azadi on the
instigation of a nation that neither knows, nor respects
nor accepts democracy carries its own contradictions.
Those contradictions began to come to fore even as the
Pak-sponsored militancy was rearing, its head in the
state. There are solid doubts whether the sponsored
insurgency would have gained any foothold in the valley
had it not come packaged in the JKLF pack.
Jamiat-i-Islami has always been a suspect force in
Kashmir and the sponsors cleverly did not give any hint
that Jamat was involved in the thing till the KLF had
brought the Valley under its thumb in the initial years.
It was the KLF .......more
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A
Music to Musharraf's
ears
Men, Matters, Memories
By M L Kotru
I dont know why, but 1 am beginning to feel sorry
for Pakistans military ruler, Gen. Pervez
Musharraf. Not that....more
Suave
westerners,
naive Indians........
Yours Randomly
By Dr. R. Bhat
Kipling had said it graphically: west is west and east is
east/ and never the twain shall meet. We called him a
racist and dismissed him not without ......more
Will
BJP retain power
in UP?
By B L Kak
The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has launched a search for
instruments to enable it to retain power in Indias
all-important political State, Uttar Pradesh ........more
The
proverbial "Second chance" may not be available
By Srinivasan K. Rangachary
In a prescient essay, penned just as the world was
stepping out of Adolf Hitlers shadow, American
elder statesman Henry L. Stimson set out the task before
the United States. This was no simple matter, for in late
1947.......more
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EDITORIAL
Inner party dictatorship
Democracy is the mantra
here. The political parties here would not compromise an
iota on the democracy and openness. In fact, the greatest
criticism that a party would level on its opponents is
that of thwarting democracy. And, no party alive and
politicking wants to be accused of jeopardizing
democracy. When the parties have nothing to criticize a
move for, the usual pretext is also that of endangering
democracy. There, the most appropriate action becomes
suspect. This is what is happening to POTO. There is no
logical opposition anybody can mount, no criticism that
would apply to instituting appropriate measure to combat
terrorism. But it has been accused of threatening
democracy and suddenly the whole press and politics
are ranged against the ordinance. Democracy key
liyey kuchh bhi karega is the reigning persuasion
here. But it is only inter-party democracy. Intra-party,
democracy is a phenomenon that is still outside the pale
of Indian polity. Ask any body about democracy and he/she
would be all for it, tell the most vociferous proponent
of democracy to instill some democratic functioning
within the party and you have him/her cornered good.
Unless of course, the person finds a way to accuse you of
tempering with his/her right to be democratically
undemocratic!
Today, we have nearly four
dozen political outfits national, regional or even local
which have influence over the politics and policies of
the nation. Barring half a dozen, all these parties are
built around individuals. Their whole sphere of influence
is that persons image, sway and standing among the
public. They are vocal champions of democracy, but within
the outfit none asks for democracy, democratic
functioning or even a show of democratic practice. Their
parties are run like personal fiefs, without anybody
having the right to question. And none asks for it. Laloo
Prasad Yadav's RJD comes to the mind easily. But AIADMK
is not vastly different there. Nor SP. Nor those half
dozen congresses in UP. Or, the sundry parties in other
parts of the country. Even as old a party as National
Conference is virtually a one-man set up. So is the much
democratic PDP. And so is Mamtas Trinamool in
Bengal. In fact, any party you can think of comes through
as a one-man show. The ruling party in Andhra grew almost
on a democratic dissent against the late NTR but
Chandrababu Naidus party today is all pegged at the
personality of the Andhra CM.
The situation of the
national parties is more pathetic. Whether it is the
Congress or BJP or the leftists or anybody else, none is
democratic in any manner. Stamp of personality is so deep
upon the Congress that is difficult to distinguish the
party from the person. Congress means Sonia.
There are a dozen congresses in the counts, all avowing
Gandhianism, all swearing by Nehru, even Indira and
Rajiv, but the real Congress is where Sonia
is! BJP and the Communists are not so bound by
personalities, but there is little evidence of inner
party democracy. No shade of an inner party democracy,
respect for dissent, no structure for democratic
expression of views, no tradition of incorporating
difference of opinion. For the leftists the party is
supreme and what is party but the fief of the few who
have landed in the presidium. Those who swore that BJP
was different are hard put to distinguish it
from the Congress in style of functioning. The cruelest
joke is that none is ready to allow any democrayin there.
The parties and partymen would refuse to talk to George
'because there are allegations' against him, but none
would dare question their party leaders stepped in deep
cesspool of corruption. From this intra-party
dictatorship come all the evils-corruption, nepotism,
money, unfair practices and all. One single intra-party
democracy will cure many ill here, but who would take
that medicine?
Hizbul cracks
Cryng out for azadi on the
instigation of a nation that neither knows, nor respects
nor accepts democracy carries its own contradictions.
Those contradictions began to come to fore even as the
Pak-sponsored militancy was rearing, its head in the
state. There are solid doubts whether the sponsored
insurgency would have gained any foothold in the valley
had it not come packaged in the JKLF pack.
Jamiat-i-Islami has always been a suspect force in
Kashmir and the sponsors cleverly did not give any hint
that Jamat was involved in the thing till the KLF had
brought the Valley under its thumb in the initial years.
It was the KLF henchmen who did the killing and gave
terrorism the initial thrust. Innocents, men and women of
prominence, stumbling blocks and minorities.. all were
mowed down, in that indiscriminate splurge. KLF had been
fed azadi. It couldn't but see, within the year, that
there was neither azadi there nor any wish for it in
Pakistan. The much-touted 'asking the people' was also
exposed, as groups of young men brainwashed with the talk
of 'choice of view' -rai-shumari-
saw first hand that there was neither raw nor
shumari in the Pak held Kashmir. JKLF was
duly disillusioned and dislodged. And, Jamat child Hizbul
Mujahideen came to fore.
Jamatis, like all the
other gang-men there, have been fed a mixture of
azadi-Islam-Pakistan to lure them to the Pak- fold. The
inner contradiction of the mix started becoming clear to
the young men who were not deeply indoctrinated. The
light (or darkness?) that Hashim Qureshi encountered in
the late seventies that the Pakistani nation was only
using Kashmir to anchor its nation and further its
national interest, could not but catch up with the young
men who had been brought in close contact with the
Pakistani reality during their trainings and
indoctrinating lessons. There, the contradictions must
have shown very clear. Those contradictions birthed the
Ikhwanis. It brought the Hizbul Mujahideen to the last
years ceasefire. The Pak masters reined that in,
but the conflict remained. It surfaced again when Hizbul
was forced to remove its commander in Kashmir and replace
him with a more amenable one. The recent call for
ceasefire brings it to fore again and its
being disowned shows how deep the cracks are, and how
hard it is being papered over. The question is how long
would that papering-over sustain, before the Kashmiris
come openly unto their own.
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A
Music to Musharraf's ears
Men, Matters, Memories
By M L
Kotru
I
dont know why, but 1 am beginning
to feel sorry for Pakistans
military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf.
Not that he needs any sympathy. He, as
you, 1 and he himself knows, is a very
clever man. Remember the day he
outflanked Indian policy makers with that
remarkable offer of unconditional
assistance to the US- led coalition in
its campaign against the Taliban and
their guest, the most wanted man by the
Americans, Osama bin Laden. New Delhi
was, of course, the first to offer
support but then the politics and
geography of the situation made the
Pakistani offer irresistibly attractive.
Gen Musharraf was on a song thereafter.
He worked relentlessly on his own people,
cutting across the broadly secular
spectrum of public opinion in his
country; he convinced his own Corps
Commanders of the advantages that would
accrue to Pakistan as a consequence; and
his money-wise American-trained Finance
Minister clearly saw dollars cascading
into the empty coffers of his Government.
The Islamists were quietly confined to
their houses or challenged on the
streets. Musharraf quickly saw himself
adored by the Americans, headed by George
Bush himself and Tony Blair who until
only the other day had looked upon him as
a pariah, a military dictator who had
overturned democracy in his country. Many
leaders from distant shores came acalling
and Bush received him in New York with
unmistakable warmth. Musharraf suddenly
was a performer on the world stage. He
advised Bush to halt bombing of
Afghanistan during the holy month of
Ramzan; he asked that moderate Taliban
(as if such a thing ever existed) be
found room in the new dispensation in
Afghanistan; he advised that the Northern
Alliance should be shunned and in no case
be allowed to come anywhere near Kabul.
Bush
encouraged Musharraf into believing that
Pakistan was a frontline State in the
battle against terrorism. It was music to
Musharrafs ears. For he would no longer
be asked to answer the strident Indian
cries of Pakistan being a sponsor of
terrorism. The Pakistan leader looked
very impressed indeed, with himself and
by those whom he had spoken to in
Washington, Paris, Turkey and all those
who visited him in Islamabad. But then
there was that annoying push by the
Northern Alliance, supported by massive
American air support, towards southern
Afghanistan. The Tajiks, Uzbeks, the
Hazaras and even the Pushtuns in
Jalalabad, were making menancing
advances. Musharraf, remember, had just
before September 11 tried to convince the
Americans that talking to Taliban
directly may not be a bad idea. Around
the time Musharraf was celebrating, the
Russians also decided to get into the act
and they, not surprisingly, chose to back
the Northern Alliance. Putin meantime
went to Washington and onto that famous
visit to the Bush ranch. Putins
reaction to the September 11 terrorist
assaults on the US had already persuaded
the American leader that Putin had
finally understood that the cold war was
finally over and that a new strategic
bargain could be had. In Texas Putin
confirmed Bushs belief He avoided a
standoff with Bush on limited missile
defences and instead used the
anti-terrorism campaign to gain an
unexpected diplomatic opening to show
that Russia is a country worth doing
business with. Putin also discovered that
Americans were willing not to mention
Russias record in Chechnya, its
human rights record and indeed that he
may even get access to Council of Europe
and the Organisation for Security and
Cooperation in Europe. In fact by the
time Putin returned home from Texas,
there was talk already of better working
relations between NATO and Russia.
Simultaneously, Putin offered his
countrys total support to the US in
its Afghan campaign. And taking advantage
of the nervousness of the Central Asian
Republics of the former Soviet Union over
the Taliban phenomenon, he offered his
good offices with-the nations of the
region. All of it put together made the
Northern Alliance a reliable ally; it
would keep up the pressure on ground
while the US put the heat on by
exercising its massive air power. Bush
was flush with excitement the day Kabul
fell. He did, for the record, hope that
the Alliance would not take over Kabul
but didnt quite disapprove of it
when it did happen.
Americans
do agree with the view held by almost the
entire membership of the UN that the new
government in Afghanistan should be a
broadbased one, representing all the
ethnic strands, including the Pushtuns
who are the most dominant of all the
groups. But then the Pakistani view that
Pushtuns, because of their numbers,
should have a dominant say, got punctured
when a leading Pushtun leader argued that
Pushtun is the language of the tribes
inhabiting Southern Afghanistan. Pushtun
thus denoted the linguistic base alone
and not the diversity of the tribes that
are covered by the word Pushtun. Each
Pushtun tribe has its own distinctive
flavour. This does not mean that Pushtuns
can be kept -out of an overall
arrangement for the future governance of
the wartorn country. On the contrary, any
such arrangement is doomed to fail.
The UN
special envoy for Afghanistan early this
week clarified that leaders of all Afghan
factions would be asked to attend a
consultative meeting at a place outside
the country. The Northern Alliance leader
and "de jure" President of the
country, Burhanuddin Rabbani and his
Foreign Minister, Dr. Abdullah Abdullah
sensibly fell in line with the UN
representative after initially trying to
act as the de facto functionaries. The
best bet for an interim coalition to
materialise at the moment seems to be the
former King Zahir Shah, the 86-year-old
monarch who has been living in exile in
Rome since mid-70s. Zahir Shah is a
Pushtun who, even when he may not be the
most popular Afghan, is still the least
controversial of them all. The King has
already said that if he returns to Kabul
he will do so not as a King but as a
servant of the people. The outlines of a
final arrangement should start revealing
themselves later this week once the venue
for a meeting of faction leaders has been
found.
This
brings me back to Gen Musharraf, the man
who asked India to lay off Afghanistan,
believing, as he did, that Kabul was his
little backyard over which Islamabad had
held sway for more than a decade. In the
event, Musharraf had counted his chicks
even before they were hatched. In the
power play involving the biggies like the
US, Russia and EU, Musharraf found
himself marginalised. One thing that
might have gone against him though is the
picture of the Talibans awesome
might which he had projected before the
Americans struck back after September 11.
While the ISI may have kept up the
Talibans supplies of arms and ammunition
throughout, the Pakistani belief that
Mullah Omar and Osama bin Laden could
fight on for another decade or so has
turned out to be woefully off the mark.
The relief in Washington over the
collapse of Kabul and of Taliban
resistance is visible. The alacrity with
which young Afghans rushed to the nearest
barber shops to shave off their beards,
to buy music systems and TV sets,
wherever possible, must have come as a
shocking revelation to the Islamists who
saw the Taliban and the AI Qaeda as the
"future Islam."
Musharraf
has shown remarkable sangfroid in the
face of an obvious discomfiture. He has
continued to come down heavily on the
extremists, is harping on a brighter
future for his countrymen as a
consequence of the alliance with
Americans and has been seen even speaking
less critically of mainstream
politicians. The danger, however, is that
an extremist backlash, should it
materialise, might persuade him to embark
on a misadventure in Jammu and Kashmir.
That would
be an awful mistake. As Putin discovered
in his talks with George Bush, there is a
consensus now that maps of nations cannot
be redrawn any more. Nor will Musharraf
pet theory that one man's terrorist is
another man's freedom fighter hold good.
No more. The coming weeks will see the US
President doing a most unusual thing:
putting pressure on Israel to let the
Palestinians live in peace. He is not
going to take kindly to any attempt by
Pakistan to cause a flare up in the
sub-continent. This is not to say that
the two countries should not settle down
to the business of finding a solution to
the Kashmir problem, one that does not
add to the existing tensions. The
Kashmiris too have drawn their own
lessons from the Taliban fiasco and they
certainly would not allow Pakistan or its
surrogates to convert Kashmir into
another Afghanistan. Musharraf may yet
see the wisdom of turning the line of
control into an International boundary.
That could well open a new era in the
lives of the people of the sub-continent.
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Suave
westerners, naive Indians........
Yours Randomly
By Dr.
R. Bhat
Kipling
had said it graphically: west is west and
east is east/ and never the twain shall
meet. We called him a racist and
dismissed him not without reading and
imbibing all the jungle books he wrote
about us. Of course, all his bhalus,
shersinghs, langdas and mogli-meaning-frog
were we, as conceived by the racist in
the poet. Those images still persist
there in the west. More than the snake
charmers it is these jungle-tales that
have formed the stereotype for Indians
there. Others races they considered even
baser. As we, tried to ape the west they
kept seeing us as vindications of the
Kipling's monkeys doing the manly tricks.
The robust Indian democracy does not
deserve even a respectable mention in
their perceptions. The traditions and
lore are enchanting snake charmers' tales
and the justices and propriety here are
taken as crude copies of their
innovations. Nor has the fact that the
tribes in American Wild West were called
'.....Indians' helped. It only
strengthened the stereotype, which forms
the basis of the western perception even
today. Thus it comes to pass that Indian
cricketers are naturally suspect, Indian
science is by definition mediocre, and
Indian administration is inefficient.
Not that
there is not much to be desired in the
Indian profile in these fields. But that
is because of the innate Indian penchant
for perfection, not because of any
failing in the standards by comparison.
Of course, many people would point to the
high level of efficacy that has been
attained in the west. That may be so. It,
in fact, would have been a surprise had
the occident not excelled in these
matters of the world. They have been
stressing the here-and-now in life,
philosophy and even religion for ages.
That perspective helps in building a
strong materialist base. And they have
built it. But when it comes to things
thereafter, they have been shown to be
hugely deficient. That is why there is
more cynicism in the west than anywhere
else. Or, should we say there was? The
victory of the west has been that it has
fully conquered our visions and
world-views and replaced it with theirs.
Today we measure success by their
standards and find ourselves wanting. We
find our ethos empty when it does not
fill bellies and we grow cynical when we
find the well-fed westerns roaming around
aimlessly.
Since we
have rejected our values on emulation of
the alien cultures, the Indian ethos is
not able to satisfy us. We feel like
laughing on seeing the plump westerners
seeking nirvana in the skimpy Indian
jungles. And grow more cynical, more
dismissive of everything. Of course, the
first thing that we dismissed was the
nation and its ethos. Now that the west
has dismissed itself we have nothing to
fall back upon. There is a void and the
Indian is hanging by a thread. He
ridicules the ones sticking to the Indian
nationalism, because the masters have
'shown' that thing to be hollow. He
rejects the other as the 'master' himself
is roaming naked in search. No wonder we
find no succor, nothing to salvage. That
is how the Indian intellectual comes to
loath progress as well as spiritualism.
He dismissed POTO as well as the
terrorism. He finds nothing to love, to
revere in anything and laughs at all
appeals to self.
Then comes
a graphic illustration. A whole America,
which he supposed was steeped in liberty
and rationalism, becomes a vindicitive
avenger who would not stop at anything. A
single warning turns the whole American
media into a mouthpiece of the foreign
office. A single excess by an Indian
cricketer calls up all the rules in the
rulebook. A single blast by India calls
up all the sanctions there are in the
non-proliferation treaty, which
incidentally American Congress has
rejected as unsuitable! The naive India
is baffled how the paragon of equalities
could act so iniquitously. He calls it
'racialism' as he called Kipling racist,
in an attempt to isolate the disease and
save his model west. And finds that the
entire west is so oriented. But so deep
is the slavery to the west that he does
not believe in his own perceptions. And
becomes an iconoclast bent upon breaking
all idols. Mind it is not the dubious
idols of west he attacks. Arundati Roy,
for example, stays in the atom-stubbed
America and comes to denounce the odd
Indian blast. She stays with the America
attacking Afghanistan and tells us to
love terrorists.
Her
companions in India keep the flag high.
They keep damning dams here, while they
tell us at the same time how inefficient
we are in not harnessing the full
potential of energy we have. They keep
castigating the Indians for caste and
inequalities, while the open racialism in
the west is not seen and hence never
commented upon. They criticize India for
being a police State and ignore how
closed agreed country like America got a
single terrorist attack. In fact, so
sauve have the westerners been in this
smooth talking to the naive Indians that
it is difficult even to point to that
double standard. America did not tarry a
day after its terrorist attack yet has
been asking India to restrain herself,
for ten long years. It again counseled
India about that very restraint, while it
wrecked its vengeance over Afghanistan.
And we agreed. Just as the international
Cricket committee says that the rules
would not be changed and we may end up
agreeing. And allowing the superficially
polite west to get away with yet another
deep hurt inflicted upon our dignity. And
it is not only in cricket that we are
doing it. We are pocketing indignities
all over. And keeping suitably silent in
our naivete while they pile one suave
trick on another, smartly. The tricks of
pure racism, pure selfishness, pure
chauvinism.
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Will
BJP retain power in UP?
By B L Kak
The Bhartiya
Janata Party (BJP) has launched a search for
instruments to enable it to retain power in
Indias all-important political State, Uttar
Pradesh (UP). Crucial Assembly elections in UP
will take place in the first quarter of 2002.
Hence, much time is not left for contesting
parties and individuals.
Any action, major
or minor, on the Indian scene is generally
followed by reaction from the people in general
and political groups in particular. Since the
Ayodhya issue is going to be one of the poll
planks, the latest action is Mr Atal Behari
Vajpayees statement that the defunct
Ayodhya cell in the Prime Ministers Office
(PMO) would be revived to expedite the process
for finding a solution to the dispute over the
Mandir-Masjid issue.
MEN
AND MATTERS
Significantly, the
Prime Ministers statement came after a set
of measures were taken as part of the BJPs
desire to retain power in UP. These measures also
included a new reservation policy for the most
backward castes and deletion of names of Muslim
votersd from the voters list.
Working president
of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Mr Ashok
Singhal, and Ramjanambhoomi Nyas president, Mr
Ramchandra Paramhans, revealed that Mr Vajpayee
had, during his meeting with them, let it be
known that the cell would clear all obstacles to
the temple construction at Ayodhya by March 12,
2002, the deadline set by the VHP for starting
the construction. That Mr Vajpayee had issued the
statement was subsequently confirmed by PMO
spokesperson, Mr Ashok Tandon.
Mr Tandon was
reported to have explained that the cell would be
different from the Ayodhya cell that was active
during the tenure of Mr VP Singh, Mr Chandra
Shekhar and Mr PV Narasimha Rao as Prime
Ministers. The Ayodhya cell, when revived, would
be headed by a retired civil servant from Uttar
Pradesh.
The VHP leaders
are enthused by the fact that the Prime Minister
has agreed to solve the issue. They say that the
rest could be handled by the VHP. Mr Ashok
Singhal has placed himself on record as
asserting: "Mandir to bun kar
rahegaa, sarkar chahey ya na chahey (the
temple will be set up whether the Government
wants it or not). So it is good that the
Government has finally come around to our
viewpoint". Mr Singhal also sent out a
significant signal: If the kar sevaks could
demolish the mosque despite the Government, they
could build a temple too without the
Governments help.
There is no
denying that the Ayodhya issue is back on the
Sangh Parivars agenda. Indeed, indications
about this were given at the recent 2-day
national conference of the Bhaartiya Janata Yuva
Morcha, the youth wing of the BJP, in Agra.
Significantly, BJP leaders who attended it waxed
eloquent about the Ram Mandir. President of the
BJPs UP unit, Mr Kalraj Mishra, said that
the construction of a Ram temple was not only a
national issue but a cultural issue as well. He
even went to the extent of making public his
support for the VHP agenda.
While the UP Chief
Minister, Mr Rajnath Singh, declared that the
construction of the temple was a national issue,
the BJP president, Mr Jana Krishnamurthy, asked:
"What is wrong in this?" And Mr
Krishnamurthy emphasized: "The construction
of a Ram temple in Ayodhya is every BJP
workers desire".
The Union Minister
and senior BJP leader, Ms Uma Bharati, told
activists of Bhartiya Janata Yuva Morcha:
"You are the same people, the youth of the
nation, who hoisted a bhagwa dhwaj over a
masjid. Now very soon you will hoist a bhagwa
dhwaj over Lahore and Karachi".
The Ayodhya
cell was disbanded after the demolition of the
Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992. Critics of the
BJP insist that the move to revive the Ayodhya
cell is "purely political" with an eye
on the Assembly elections in UP rather than a
sincere attempt to resolve the Ayodhya dispute.
These critics also insist that the initiative to
revive the cell is to keep the increasingly
restive Hindu religious leaders in control.
There is ample
evidence to suggest that the exercise to solve
the Ayodhya issue has hitherto remained
one-sided. Not a single Muslim organisation or
individual of repute has been approached by the
Government. The opposition parties, obviously,
have a point when they call it an exercise in
deception.
The CPI(M) general
secretary, Mr Harkishen Singh Surjeet has charged
the BJP with being desperate to win the UP
elections. "This is yet another case of
political deception by them in order to polarise
voters along communal lines in Uttar
Pradesh", he said and added that the Prime
Ministers statements about resolving the
issue were nothing more than political gimmicks
aimed at keeping Hindu fundamentalists on leash.
The Congress,
which is regarded as the BJPs principal
political foe in UP, shares this view. Mr Subodh
Kant Sahay, AICC secretary in charge of party
affairs in UP, said in a statement: "It is
just a trick by the Prime Minister to keep the
VHP and other Hindu religious leaders under
check. Besides, such statements from time to time
help them keep the issue alive, and this would
help them in the Uttar Pradesh elections".
Mr Sahay was
associated with the Ayodhya cell during the
tenures of Mr VP Singh, Mr Chandra Shekhar and Mr
Narasimha Rao. Mr Sahay argued that Mr
Vajpayees move to revive the Ayodhya cell
was meant only for public consumption and it
betrayed a sense of desperation in the BJP about
its prospects in the UP Assembly polls.
The BJPs
strategy appears to be to keep the issue alive
without it finding any mention in official party
documents. The strategy keeps the BJPs
allies in the NDA (National Democratic Alliance)
happy as it is not on the NDA agenda. Thus, they
are spared the trouble of reacting to it.
|
The
proverbial "Second chance" may not be
available
By Srinivasan K.
Rangachary
In a prescient
essay, penned just as the world was stepping out
of Adolf Hitlers shadow, American elder
statesman Henry L. Stimson set out the task
before the United States. This was no simple
matter, for in late 1947 the US was yet to come
to terms with the post-World War II era, where
any sort of order seemed elusive.
In The Challenge
to Americans, Stimson, who had been Franklin D
Roosevelts secretary of war, observed:
"In American polity toward the world there
is no place for grudging or limited
participation, and any attempt to cut out losses
by setting bounds to our policy can only turn us
backward onto the deadly road toward
self-defeating isolation.
"Our stake in
the peace and freedom of the world is not a
limited liability. Time after time in other years
we have tried to solve our foreign problems with
half-way measures, acting under the illusion that
we could be partly in the world and partly
irresponsible."
The context that
Stimson was addressing was a little beyond the
immediate as he notes: "The troubles of
Europe and Asia are not other peoples
troubles; they are ours. The world is full of
friends and enemies; it is full of warring
ideas;.. All men, good or bad, are now our
neighbours. All ideas dwell among us."
The passage of US
foreign policy thereafter has evidenced spurts of
engagement and withdrawal. But, as the US engages
in the first war of the new millennium, and goes
after those who attacked its mainland, it is well
worth considering what America could hope to
achieve. How high can it set the bar for itself?
The US and the
rest of the world have travelled a great distance
since 11 September. The war on terror has begun
to pay some dividends. The coalition that the US
had hoped for is as firmly in place as it is ever
likely to be. The Russians, keenly aware that the
Taliban influence in Central Asia can be best
quelled at the present instance, have opened up
bases in the region for US forces. There is a
preparedness amongst European nations to back
American military commitments against the Osama
bin Laden and Taliban.
US domestic
opinion is prepared to carry the war to the
enemy. And, the enemy is bin Ladens Al
Qaida and, significantly, those who shelter and
nourish its terror. The US President and his top
aides have suggested that the war will not end
with the exit of bin Laden and his friends, the
Taliban, from the world stage.
Here lies the crux
of the issue. Since 1996, the US has been
half-hearted in acknowledging inputs from its own
agencies on South Asias transformation into
the hub of international terrorism. The US has
not lacked in assessing the threat: Those who
believe so are a bit off the mark. It is just
that the US believed it retained sufficient
"leverage" with those seen to control
the Taliban and bin Laden to ensure that the
terror witnessed on millions of TV screens did
not happen.
Samuel P
Huntingtons Clash of Civilisations thesis
may provide a context for the ongoing conflict to
some. But, theory of any sort need not be
resorted to. Any application of reason will
reveal the need to go to war against an idea
opposed to all civilised values. The question
really is whether the US will endeavour to
"save" peace or "establish"
it.
History is
temptingly replete with examples where compromise
has been more alluring than the task of
confronting a malignant foe. It is such a choice
that British historian Arnold J. Toynbee touches
upon while writing on the Munich settlement of
September, 1938, which England and France arrived
at with Hitlers Germany. In his thoughtful
essay, A turning point in History, (January,
1939), he observes: "In coming to terms with
Hitler in Munich, Great Britain and France went a
long way, and may be the whole way, towards
giving him a free hand in central and eastern
Europe at least up to the western threshold of
the Soviet Union."
The agreement
arrived at in Munich was illusory and only
delayed the horror of World War II. Arguably,
American foreign policy today faces its severest
test. It must set right a distortion in this view
of south Asia that caused it to see
Afghanistans terror factories in diffused
light. And, it needs to carefully examine how it
can help establish peace in a region that has
been "on the boil" for so long. The
mistake at Munich should not be repeated, there
is no half-way house in south Asia.
There is a strong
opinion in India that is increasingly impatient
over perceived US reluctance to acknowledge
Pakistans role in promoting the Taliban and
Al Quida. In a democracy, no political party has
the luxury of entertaining the notion that it
enjoys an interminable lease in office. The
Vajpayee Government is hardly immune to public
opinion on issues central to Indias
security and sense of nationhood.
To be fair, US
policy-makers have amply suggested that their
concerns are wide-ranging and they aim to
neutralise the "mindset" or
"ideology" that bin Laden and Taliban
represent and seek to perpetuate. But, as the US
goes about this task, its choice of
"partners" will be under close
scrutiny. The wooing of Pakistan President
General Pervez Musharraf is neither surprising
nor disconcerting: After all, the Taliban is
Islamabads creature.
India can hardly
complain should Pakistan move away from
fundamentalism. But any coalition, to be
effective, must comprise the willing and the
able. And, as the war moves towards a closer
engagement on the ground, it would be prudent to
keep the larger picture in mind. What is central
to the future of South Asia is the need to
disable and demoralise elements who have no faith
in words such as "dialogue",
"diplomacy", "democracy",
"discourse" and "debate".
There is a settled
realisation, reflected in Indian public opinion,
that the troubles in Jammu and Kashmir do not
require foreign prescriptions. No one fights
anothers battle. In the current context, it
is the US that has to arrive at formulations and
make choices. Appeals, statements, carrots and
sticks may produce some results. But, the
intended recipients of Washingtons advice
must provide some evidence that they are, indeed,
of the view that terrorism and fundamentalism
have no place in this millennium.
Henry Kissinger
pointed out way back in 1956 that "a factor
shaping our (US) attitude toward foreign affairs
is our lack of tragic experience. Though we have
known severe hardships, our history has been
notably free from disaster. Indeed, the American
domestic experience exhibits an unparalleled
success, of great daring rewarded and of great
obstacles over come."
There was
certainty, Kissinger felt, amongst US policy
makers, that America was never going to meet the
fate of Rome, Carthage or Byzantium.
"
These characteristics make for an
absence of a sense of urgency, a tendency to
believe that everything can be tried once.
The irrevocable
error is not yet part of the American
experience."
In the new war,
the proverbial "second chance" may not
be available. Or, at any rate, retrieving
chestnuts from the fire is tricky business: Burnt
fingers is the least that one can expect. INAV
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