EDITORIAL

Inner party dictatorship

Democracy is the mantra here. The political parties here would not compromise an iota on the democracy and openness. In fact, the greatest criticism that a party would level on its opponents is that of thwarting democracy. And, no party alive and politicking wants to be accused of jeopardizing democracy. When the parties have nothing to criticize a move for, the usual pretext is also that of endangering democracy. There, the most appropriate action becomes suspect. This is what is happening to POTO. There is no logical opposition anybody can mount, no criticism that would .more

Hizbul cracks

Cryng out for azadi on the instigation of a nation that neither knows, nor respects nor accepts democracy carries its own contradictions. Those contradictions began to come to fore even as the Pak-sponsored militancy was rearing, its head in the state. There are solid doubts whether the sponsored insurgency would have gained any foothold in the valley had it not come packaged in the JKLF pack. Jamiat-i-Islami has always been a suspect force in Kashmir and the sponsors cleverly did not give any hint that Jamat was involved in the thing till the KLF had brought the Valley under its thumb in the initial years. It was the KLF .......more

A Music to Musharraf's
ears

Men, Matters, Memories

By M L Kotru
I don’t know why, but 1 am beginning to feel sorry for Pakistan’s military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf. Not that....
more

Suave westerners,
naive Indians........
Yours Randomly

By Dr. R. Bhat
Kipling had said it graphically: west is west and east is east/ and never the twain shall meet. We called him a racist and dismissed him not without ......
more

Will BJP retain power
in UP?

By B L Kak
The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has launched a search for instruments to enable it to retain power in India’s all-important political State, Uttar Pradesh .......
.more

The proverbial "Second chance" may not be available

By Srinivasan K. Rangachary
In a prescient essay, penned just as the world was stepping out of Adolf Hitler’s shadow, American elder statesman Henry L. Stimson set out the task before the United States. This was no simple matter, for in late 1947......
.more

EDITORIAL

Inner party dictatorship

Democracy is the mantra here. The political parties here would not compromise an iota on the democracy and openness. In fact, the greatest criticism that a party would level on its opponents is that of thwarting democracy. And, no party alive and politicking wants to be accused of jeopardizing democracy. When the parties have nothing to criticize a move for, the usual pretext is also that of endangering democracy. There, the most appropriate action becomes suspect. This is what is happening to POTO. There is no logical opposition anybody can mount, no criticism that would apply to instituting appropriate measure to combat terrorism. But it has been accused of ‘threatening democracy’ and suddenly the whole press and politics are ranged against the ordinance. Democracy key liyey kuchh bhi karega is the reigning persuasion here. But it is only inter-party democracy. Intra-party, democracy is a phenomenon that is still outside the pale of Indian polity. Ask any body about democracy and he/she would be all for it, tell the most vociferous proponent of democracy to instill some democratic functioning within the party and you have him/her cornered good. Unless of course, the person finds a way to accuse you of tempering with his/her right to be democratically undemocratic!

Today, we have nearly four dozen political outfits national, regional or even local which have influence over the politics and policies of the nation. Barring half a dozen, all these parties are built around individuals. Their whole sphere of influence is that person’s image, sway and standing among the public. They are vocal champions of democracy, but within the outfit none asks for democracy, democratic functioning or even a show of democratic practice. Their parties are run like personal fiefs, without anybody having the right to question. And none asks for it. Laloo Prasad Yadav's RJD comes to the mind easily. But AIADMK is not vastly different there. Nor SP. Nor those half dozen congresses in UP. Or, the sundry parties in other parts of the country. Even as old a party as National Conference is virtually a one-man set up. So is the much democratic PDP. And so is Mamta’s Trinamool in Bengal. In fact, any party you can think of comes through as a one-man show. The ruling party in Andhra grew almost on a democratic dissent against the late NTR but Chandrababu Naidu’s party today is all pegged at the personality of the Andhra CM.

The situation of the national parties is more pathetic. Whether it is the Congress or BJP or the leftists or anybody else, none is democratic in any manner. Stamp of personality is so deep upon the Congress that is difficult to distinguish the party from the person. ‘Congress’ means Sonia. There are a dozen congresses in the counts, all avowing Gandhianism, all swearing by Nehru, even Indira and Rajiv, but the ‘real Congress’ is where Sonia is! BJP and the Communists are not so bound by personalities, but there is little evidence of inner party democracy. No shade of an inner party democracy, respect for dissent, no structure for democratic expression of views, no tradition of incorporating difference of opinion. For the leftists the party is supreme and what is party but the fief of the few who have landed in the presidium. Those who swore that BJP was ‘different’ are hard put to distinguish it from the Congress in style of functioning. The cruelest joke is that none is ready to allow any democrayin there. The parties and partymen would refuse to talk to George 'because there are allegations' against him, but none would dare question their party leaders stepped in deep cesspool of corruption. From this intra-party dictatorship come all the evils-corruption, nepotism, money, unfair practices and all. One single intra-party democracy will cure many ill here, but who would take that medicine?

Hizbul cracks

Cryng out for azadi on the instigation of a nation that neither knows, nor respects nor accepts democracy carries its own contradictions. Those contradictions began to come to fore even as the Pak-sponsored militancy was rearing, its head in the state. There are solid doubts whether the sponsored insurgency would have gained any foothold in the valley had it not come packaged in the JKLF pack. Jamiat-i-Islami has always been a suspect force in Kashmir and the sponsors cleverly did not give any hint that Jamat was involved in the thing till the KLF had brought the Valley under its thumb in the initial years. It was the KLF henchmen who did the killing and gave terrorism the initial thrust. Innocents, men and women of prominence, stumbling blocks and minorities.. all were mowed down, in that indiscriminate splurge. KLF had been fed azadi. It couldn't but see, within the year, that there was neither azadi there nor any wish for it in Pakistan. The much-touted 'asking the people' was also exposed, as groups of young men brainwashed with the talk of 'choice of view' -rai-shumari- saw first hand that there was neither raw nor shumari in the Pak held Kashmir. JKLF was duly disillusioned and dislodged. And, Jamat child Hizbul Mujahideen came to fore.

Jamatis, like all the other gang-men there, have been fed a mixture of azadi-Islam-Pakistan to lure them to the Pak- fold. The inner contradiction of the mix started becoming clear to the young men who were not deeply indoctrinated. The light (or darkness?) that Hashim Qureshi encountered in the late seventies that the Pakistani nation was only using Kashmir to anchor its nation and further its national interest, could not but catch up with the young men who had been brought in close contact with the Pakistani reality during their trainings and indoctrinating lessons. There, the contradictions must have shown very clear. Those contradictions birthed the Ikhwanis. It brought the Hizbul Mujahideen to the last year’s ceasefire. The Pak masters reined that in, but the conflict remained. It surfaced again when Hizbul was forced to remove its commander in Kashmir and replace him with a more amenable one. The recent call for ‘ceasefire’ brings it to fore again and its being disowned shows how deep the cracks are, and how hard it is being papered over. The question is how long would that papering-over sustain, before the Kashmiris come openly unto their own.

A Music to Musharraf's ears
Men, Matters, Memories

By M L Kotru

I don’t know why, but 1 am beginning to feel sorry for Pakistan’s military ruler, Gen. Pervez Musharraf. Not that he needs any sympathy. He, as you, 1 and he himself knows, is a very clever man. Remember the day he outflanked Indian policy makers with that remarkable offer of unconditional assistance to the US- led coalition in its campaign against the Taliban and their guest, the most wanted man by the Americans, Osama bin Laden. New Delhi was, of course, the first to offer support but then the politics and geography of the situation made the Pakistani offer irresistibly attractive. Gen Musharraf was on a song thereafter. He worked relentlessly on his own people, cutting across the broadly secular spectrum of public opinion in his country; he convinced his own Corps Commanders of the advantages that would accrue to Pakistan as a consequence; and his money-wise American-trained Finance Minister clearly saw dollars cascading into the empty coffers of his Government. The Islamists were quietly confined to their houses or challenged on the streets. Musharraf quickly saw himself adored by the Americans, headed by George Bush himself and Tony Blair who until only the other day had looked upon him as a pariah, a military dictator who had overturned democracy in his country. Many leaders from distant shores came acalling and Bush received him in New York with unmistakable warmth. Musharraf suddenly was a performer on the world stage. He advised Bush to halt bombing of Afghanistan during the holy month of Ramzan; he asked that moderate Taliban (as if such a thing ever existed) be found room in the new dispensation in Afghanistan; he advised that the Northern Alliance should be shunned and in no case be allowed to come anywhere near Kabul.

Bush encouraged Musharraf into believing that Pakistan was a frontline State in the battle against terrorism. It was music to Musharrafs ears. For he would no longer be asked to answer the strident Indian cries of Pakistan being a sponsor of terrorism. The Pakistan leader looked very impressed indeed, with himself and by those whom he had spoken to in Washington, Paris, Turkey and all those who visited him in Islamabad. But then there was that annoying push by the Northern Alliance, supported by massive American air support, towards southern Afghanistan. The Tajiks, Uzbeks, the Hazaras and even the Pushtuns in Jalalabad, were making menancing advances. Musharraf, remember, had just before September 11 tried to convince the Americans that talking to Taliban directly may not be a bad idea. Around the time Musharraf was celebrating, the Russians also decided to get into the act and they, not surprisingly, chose to back the Northern Alliance. Putin meantime went to Washington and onto that famous visit to the Bush ranch. Putin’s reaction to the September 11 terrorist assaults on the US had already persuaded the American leader that Putin had finally understood that the cold war was finally over and that a new strategic bargain could be had. In Texas Putin confirmed Bush’s belief He avoided a standoff with Bush on limited missile defences and instead used the anti-terrorism campaign to gain an unexpected diplomatic opening to show that Russia is a country worth doing business with. Putin also discovered that Americans were willing not to mention Russia’s record in Chechnya, its human rights record and indeed that he may even get access to Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. In fact by the time Putin returned home from Texas, there was talk already of better working relations between NATO and Russia. Simultaneously, Putin offered his country’s total support to the US in its Afghan campaign. And taking advantage of the nervousness of the Central Asian Republics of the former Soviet Union over the Taliban phenomenon, he offered his good offices with-the nations of the region. All of it put together made the Northern Alliance a reliable ally; it would keep up the pressure on ground while the US put the heat on by exercising its massive air power. Bush was flush with excitement the day Kabul fell. He did, for the record, hope that the Alliance would not take over Kabul but didn’t quite disapprove of it when it did happen.

Americans do agree with the view held by almost the entire membership of the UN that the new government in Afghanistan should be a broadbased one, representing all the ethnic strands, including the Pushtuns who are the most dominant of all the groups. But then the Pakistani view that Pushtuns, because of their numbers, should have a dominant say, got punctured when a leading Pushtun leader argued that Pushtun is the language of the tribes inhabiting Southern Afghanistan. Pushtun thus denoted the linguistic base alone and not the diversity of the tribes that are covered by the word Pushtun. Each Pushtun tribe has its own distinctive flavour. This does not mean that Pushtuns can be kept -out of an overall arrangement for the future governance of the wartorn country. On the contrary, any such arrangement is doomed to fail.

The UN special envoy for Afghanistan early this week clarified that leaders of all Afghan factions would be asked to attend a consultative meeting at a place outside the country. The Northern Alliance leader and "de jure" President of the country, Burhanuddin Rabbani and his Foreign Minister, Dr. Abdullah Abdullah sensibly fell in line with the UN representative after initially trying to act as the de facto functionaries. The best bet for an interim coalition to materialise at the moment seems to be the former King Zahir Shah, the 86-year-old monarch who has been living in exile in Rome since mid-70s. Zahir Shah is a Pushtun who, even when he may not be the most popular Afghan, is still the least controversial of them all. The King has already said that if he returns to Kabul he will do so not as a King but as a servant of the people. The outlines of a final arrangement should start revealing themselves later this week once the venue for a meeting of faction leaders has been found.

This brings me back to Gen Musharraf, the man who asked India to lay off Afghanistan, believing, as he did, that Kabul was his little backyard over which Islamabad had held sway for more than a decade. In the event, Musharraf had counted his chicks even before they were hatched. In the power play involving the biggies like the US, Russia and EU, Musharraf found himself marginalised. One thing that might have gone against him though is the picture of the Taliban’s awesome might which he had projected before the Americans struck back after September 11. While the ISI may have kept up the Talibans supplies of arms and ammunition throughout, the Pakistani belief that Mullah Omar and Osama bin Laden could fight on for another decade or so has turned out to be woefully off the mark. The relief in Washington over the collapse of Kabul and of Taliban resistance is visible. The alacrity with which young Afghans rushed to the nearest barber shops to shave off their beards, to buy music systems and TV sets, wherever possible, must have come as a shocking revelation to the Islamists who saw the Taliban and the AI Qaeda as the "future Islam."

Musharraf has shown remarkable sangfroid in the face of an obvious discomfiture. He has continued to come down heavily on the extremists, is harping on a brighter future for his countrymen as a consequence of the alliance with Americans and has been seen even speaking less critically of mainstream politicians. The danger, however, is that an extremist backlash, should it materialise, might persuade him to embark on a misadventure in Jammu and Kashmir.

That would be an awful mistake. As Putin discovered in his talks with George Bush, there is a consensus now that maps of nations cannot be redrawn any more. Nor will Musharraf pet theory that one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter hold good. No more. The coming weeks will see the US President doing a most unusual thing: putting pressure on Israel to let the Palestinians live in peace. He is not going to take kindly to any attempt by Pakistan to cause a flare up in the sub-continent. This is not to say that the two countries should not settle down to the business of finding a solution to the Kashmir problem, one that does not add to the existing tensions. The Kashmiris too have drawn their own lessons from the Taliban fiasco and they certainly would not allow Pakistan or its surrogates to convert Kashmir into another Afghanistan. Musharraf may yet see the wisdom of turning the line of control into an International boundary. That could well open a new era in the lives of the people of the sub-continent.

Suave westerners, naive Indians........
Yours Randomly

By Dr. R. Bhat

Kipling had said it graphically: west is west and east is east/ and never the twain shall meet. We called him a racist and dismissed him not without reading and imbibing all the jungle books he wrote about us. Of course, all his bhalus, shersinghs, langdas and mogli-meaning-frog were we, as conceived by the racist in the poet. Those images still persist there in the west. More than the snake charmers it is these jungle-tales that have formed the stereotype for Indians there. Others races they considered even baser. As we, tried to ape the west they kept seeing us as vindications of the Kipling's monkeys doing the manly tricks. The robust Indian democracy does not deserve even a respectable mention in their perceptions. The traditions and lore are enchanting snake charmers' tales and the justices and propriety here are taken as crude copies of their innovations. Nor has the fact that the tribes in American Wild West were called '.....Indians' helped. It only strengthened the stereotype, which forms the basis of the western perception even today. Thus it comes to pass that Indian cricketers are naturally suspect, Indian science is by definition mediocre, and Indian administration is inefficient.

Not that there is not much to be desired in the Indian profile in these fields. But that is because of the innate Indian penchant for perfection, not because of any failing in the standards by comparison. Of course, many people would point to the high level of efficacy that has been attained in the west. That may be so. It, in fact, would have been a surprise had the occident not excelled in these matters of the world. They have been stressing the here-and-now in life, philosophy and even religion for ages. That perspective helps in building a strong materialist base. And they have built it. But when it comes to things thereafter, they have been shown to be hugely deficient. That is why there is more cynicism in the west than anywhere else. Or, should we say there was? The victory of the west has been that it has fully conquered our visions and world-views and replaced it with theirs. Today we measure success by their standards and find ourselves wanting. We find our ethos empty when it does not fill bellies and we grow cynical when we find the well-fed westerns roaming around aimlessly.

Since we have rejected our values on emulation of the alien cultures, the Indian ethos is not able to satisfy us. We feel like laughing on seeing the plump westerners seeking nirvana in the skimpy Indian jungles. And grow more cynical, more dismissive of everything. Of course, the first thing that we dismissed was the nation and its ethos. Now that the west has dismissed itself we have nothing to fall back upon. There is a void and the Indian is hanging by a thread. He ridicules the ones sticking to the Indian nationalism, because the masters have 'shown' that thing to be hollow. He rejects the other as the 'master' himself is roaming naked in search. No wonder we find no succor, nothing to salvage. That is how the Indian intellectual comes to loath progress as well as spiritualism. He dismissed POTO as well as the terrorism. He finds nothing to love, to revere in anything and laughs at all appeals to self.

Then comes a graphic illustration. A whole America, which he supposed was steeped in liberty and rationalism, becomes a vindicitive avenger who would not stop at anything. A single warning turns the whole American media into a mouthpiece of the foreign office. A single excess by an Indian cricketer calls up all the rules in the rulebook. A single blast by India calls up all the sanctions there are in the non-proliferation treaty, which incidentally American Congress has rejected as unsuitable! The naive India is baffled how the paragon of equalities could act so iniquitously. He calls it 'racialism' as he called Kipling racist, in an attempt to isolate the disease and save his model west. And finds that the entire west is so oriented. But so deep is the slavery to the west that he does not believe in his own perceptions. And becomes an iconoclast bent upon breaking all idols. Mind it is not the dubious idols of west he attacks. Arundati Roy, for example, stays in the atom-stubbed America and comes to denounce the odd Indian blast. She stays with the America attacking Afghanistan and tells us to love terrorists.

Her companions in India keep the flag high. They keep damning dams here, while they tell us at the same time how inefficient we are in not harnessing the full potential of energy we have. They keep castigating the Indians for caste and inequalities, while the open racialism in the west is not seen and hence never commented upon. They criticize India for being a police State and ignore how closed agreed country like America got a single terrorist attack. In fact, so sauve have the westerners been in this smooth talking to the naive Indians that it is difficult even to point to that double standard. America did not tarry a day after its terrorist attack yet has been asking India to restrain herself, for ten long years. It again counseled India about that very restraint, while it wrecked its vengeance over Afghanistan. And we agreed. Just as the international Cricket committee says that the rules would not be changed and we may end up agreeing. And allowing the superficially polite west to get away with yet another deep hurt inflicted upon our dignity. And it is not only in cricket that we are doing it. We are pocketing indignities all over. And keeping suitably silent in our naivete while they pile one suave trick on another, smartly. The tricks of pure racism, pure selfishness, pure chauvinism.

Will BJP retain power in UP?

By B L Kak

The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has launched a search for instruments to enable it to retain power in India’s all-important political State, Uttar Pradesh (UP). Crucial Assembly elections in UP will take place in the first quarter of 2002. Hence, much time is not left for contesting parties and individuals.

Any action, major or minor, on the Indian scene is generally followed by reaction from the people in general and political groups in particular. Since the Ayodhya issue is going to be one of the poll planks, the latest action is Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee’s statement that the defunct Ayodhya cell in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) would be revived to expedite the process for finding a solution to the dispute over the Mandir-Masjid issue.

MEN AND MATTERS

Significantly, the Prime Minister’s statement came after a set of measures were taken as part of the BJP’s desire to retain power in UP. These measures also included a new reservation policy for the most backward castes and deletion of names of Muslim votersd from the voters’ list.

Working president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Mr Ashok Singhal, and Ramjanambhoomi Nyas president, Mr Ramchandra Paramhans, revealed that Mr Vajpayee had, during his meeting with them, let it be known that the cell would clear all obstacles to the temple construction at Ayodhya by March 12, 2002, the deadline set by the VHP for starting the construction. That Mr Vajpayee had issued the statement was subsequently confirmed by PMO spokesperson, Mr Ashok Tandon.

Mr Tandon was reported to have explained that the cell would be different from the Ayodhya cell that was active during the tenure of Mr VP Singh, Mr Chandra Shekhar and Mr PV Narasimha Rao as Prime Ministers. The Ayodhya cell, when revived, would be headed by a retired civil servant from Uttar Pradesh.

The VHP leaders are enthused by the fact that the Prime Minister has agreed to solve the issue. They say that the rest could be handled by the VHP. Mr Ashok Singhal has placed himself on record as asserting: "Mandir to bun kar rahegaa, sarkar chahey ya na chahey (the temple will be set up whether the Government wants it or not). So it is good that the Government has finally come around to our viewpoint". Mr Singhal also sent out a significant signal: If the kar sevaks could demolish the mosque despite the Government, they could build a temple too without the Government’s help.

There is no denying that the Ayodhya issue is back on the Sangh Parivar’s agenda. Indeed, indications about this were given at the recent 2-day national conference of the Bhaartiya Janata Yuva Morcha, the youth wing of the BJP, in Agra. Significantly, BJP leaders who attended it waxed eloquent about the Ram Mandir. President of the BJP’s UP unit, Mr Kalraj Mishra, said that the construction of a Ram temple was not only a national issue but a cultural issue as well. He even went to the extent of making public his support for the VHP agenda.

While the UP Chief Minister, Mr Rajnath Singh, declared that the construction of the temple was a national issue, the BJP president, Mr Jana Krishnamurthy, asked: "What is wrong in this?" And Mr Krishnamurthy emphasized: "The construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya is every BJP worker’s desire".

The Union Minister and senior BJP leader, Ms Uma Bharati, told activists of Bhartiya Janata Yuva Morcha: "You are the same people, the youth of the nation, who hoisted a bhagwa dhwaj over a masjid. Now very soon you will hoist a bhagwa dhwaj over Lahore and Karachi".

The Ayodhya cell was disbanded after the demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992. Critics of the BJP insist that the move to revive the Ayodhya cell is "purely political" with an eye on the Assembly elections in UP rather than a sincere attempt to resolve the Ayodhya dispute. These critics also insist that the initiative to revive the cell is to keep the increasingly restive Hindu religious leaders in control.

There is ample evidence to suggest that the exercise to solve the Ayodhya issue has hitherto remained one-sided. Not a single Muslim organisation or individual of repute has been approached by the Government. The opposition parties, obviously, have a point when they call it an exercise in deception.

The CPI(M) general secretary, Mr Harkishen Singh Surjeet has charged the BJP with being desperate to win the UP elections. "This is yet another case of political deception by them in order to polarise voters along communal lines in Uttar Pradesh", he said and added that the Prime Minister’s statements about resolving the issue were nothing more than political gimmicks aimed at keeping Hindu fundamentalists on leash.

The Congress, which is regarded as the BJP’s principal political foe in UP, shares this view. Mr Subodh Kant Sahay, AICC secretary in charge of party affairs in UP, said in a statement: "It is just a trick by the Prime Minister to keep the VHP and other Hindu religious leaders under check. Besides, such statements from time to time help them keep the issue alive, and this would help them in the Uttar Pradesh elections".

Mr Sahay was associated with the Ayodhya cell during the tenures of Mr VP Singh, Mr Chandra Shekhar and Mr Narasimha Rao. Mr Sahay argued that Mr Vajpayee’s move to revive the Ayodhya cell was meant only for public consumption and it betrayed a sense of desperation in the BJP about its prospects in the UP Assembly polls.

The BJP’s strategy appears to be to keep the issue alive without it finding any mention in official party documents. The strategy keeps the BJP’s allies in the NDA (National Democratic Alliance) happy as it is not on the NDA agenda. Thus, they are spared the trouble of reacting to it.

The proverbial "Second chance" may not be available

By Srinivasan K. Rangachary

In a prescient essay, penned just as the world was stepping out of Adolf Hitler’s shadow, American elder statesman Henry L. Stimson set out the task before the United States. This was no simple matter, for in late 1947 the US was yet to come to terms with the post-World War II era, where any sort of order seemed elusive.

In The Challenge to Americans, Stimson, who had been Franklin D Roosevelt’s secretary of war, observed: "In American polity toward the world there is no place for grudging or limited participation, and any attempt to cut out losses by setting bounds to our policy can only turn us backward onto the deadly road toward self-defeating isolation.

"Our stake in the peace and freedom of the world is not a limited liability. Time after time in other years we have tried to solve our foreign problems with half-way measures, acting under the illusion that we could be partly in the world and partly irresponsible."

The context that Stimson was addressing was a little beyond the immediate as he notes: "The troubles of Europe and Asia are not other people’s troubles; they are ours. The world is full of friends and enemies; it is full of warring ideas;.. All men, good or bad, are now our neighbours. All ideas dwell among us."

The passage of US foreign policy thereafter has evidenced spurts of engagement and withdrawal. But, as the US engages in the first war of the new millennium, and goes after those who attacked its mainland, it is well worth considering what America could hope to achieve. How high can it set the bar for itself?

The US and the rest of the world have travelled a great distance since 11 September. The war on terror has begun to pay some dividends. The coalition that the US had hoped for is as firmly in place as it is ever likely to be. The Russians, keenly aware that the Taliban influence in Central Asia can be best quelled at the present instance, have opened up bases in the region for US forces. There is a preparedness amongst European nations to back American military commitments against the Osama bin Laden and Taliban.

US domestic opinion is prepared to carry the war to the enemy. And, the enemy is bin Laden’s Al Qaida and, significantly, those who shelter and nourish its terror. The US President and his top aides have suggested that the war will not end with the exit of bin Laden and his friends, the Taliban, from the world stage.

Here lies the crux of the issue. Since 1996, the US has been half-hearted in acknowledging inputs from its own agencies on South Asia’s transformation into the hub of international terrorism. The US has not lacked in assessing the threat: Those who believe so are a bit off the mark. It is just that the US believed it retained sufficient "leverage" with those seen to control the Taliban and bin Laden to ensure that the terror witnessed on millions of TV screens did not happen.

Samuel P Huntington’s Clash of Civilisations thesis may provide a context for the ongoing conflict to some. But, theory of any sort need not be resorted to. Any application of reason will reveal the need to go to war against an idea opposed to all civilised values. The question really is whether the US will endeavour to "save" peace or "establish" it.

History is temptingly replete with examples where compromise has been more alluring than the task of confronting a malignant foe. It is such a choice that British historian Arnold J. Toynbee touches upon while writing on the Munich settlement of September, 1938, which England and France arrived at with Hitler’s Germany. In his thoughtful essay, A turning point in History, (January, 1939), he observes: "In coming to terms with Hitler in Munich, Great Britain and France went a long way, and may be the whole way, towards giving him a free hand in central and eastern Europe at least up to the western threshold of the Soviet Union."

The agreement arrived at in Munich was illusory and only delayed the horror of World War II. Arguably, American foreign policy today faces its severest test. It must set right a distortion in this view of south Asia that caused it to see Afghanistan’s terror factories in diffused light. And, it needs to carefully examine how it can help establish peace in a region that has been "on the boil" for so long. The mistake at Munich should not be repeated, there is no half-way house in south Asia.

There is a strong opinion in India that is increasingly impatient over perceived US reluctance to acknowledge Pakistan’s role in promoting the Taliban and Al Quida. In a democracy, no political party has the luxury of entertaining the notion that it enjoys an interminable lease in office. The Vajpayee Government is hardly immune to public opinion on issues central to India’s security and sense of nationhood.

To be fair, US policy-makers have amply suggested that their concerns are wide-ranging and they aim to neutralise the "mindset" or "ideology" that bin Laden and Taliban represent and seek to perpetuate. But, as the US goes about this task, its choice of "partners" will be under close scrutiny. The wooing of Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf is neither surprising nor disconcerting: After all, the Taliban is Islamabad’s creature.

India can hardly complain should Pakistan move away from fundamentalism. But any coalition, to be effective, must comprise the willing and the able. And, as the war moves towards a closer engagement on the ground, it would be prudent to keep the larger picture in mind. What is central to the future of South Asia is the need to disable and demoralise elements who have no faith in words such as "dialogue", "diplomacy", "democracy", "discourse" and "debate".

There is a settled realisation, reflected in Indian public opinion, that the troubles in Jammu and Kashmir do not require foreign prescriptions. No one fights another’s battle. In the current context, it is the US that has to arrive at formulations and make choices. Appeals, statements, carrots and sticks may produce some results. But, the intended recipients of Washington’s advice must provide some evidence that they are, indeed, of the view that terrorism and fundamentalism have no place in this millennium.

Henry Kissinger pointed out way back in 1956 that "a factor shaping our (US) attitude toward foreign affairs is our lack of tragic experience. Though we have known severe hardships, our history has been notably free from disaster. Indeed, the American domestic experience exhibits an unparalleled success, of great daring rewarded and of great obstacles over come."

There was certainty, Kissinger felt, amongst US policy makers, that America was never going to meet the fate of Rome, Carthage or Byzantium. "…These characteristics make for an absence of a sense of urgency, a tendency to believe that everything can be tried once.

The irrevocable error is not yet part of the American experience."

In the new war, the proverbial "second chance" may not be available. Or, at any rate, retrieving chestnuts from the fire is tricky business: Burnt fingers is the least that one can expect. INAV

 



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