EDITORIAL
'Revenue
generation' :
kidding
or conning ?
Mai bap sarkar was
a peculiarly Indian invention. Nowhere else did the
people look so dependently on the governments for each
and everything. Perhaps a legacy of the kingships of
yore, more possibly it was a continuation of the Raj
system where the British after systematically ruining all
self-sufficiency here came in to provide the
''assistance' in order to make India a full market for
their goods. They came in as traders and stayed traders
even at the height of their empire. On the top of this
legacy came the communist theory that purporting to
remove all governance, created a super dictatorship where
everything was done, directed and dictated by the
government. India combined the English tradesmen's legacy
with this new welfare-way of socialism and formed the new
Indian hotchpotch of capitalist-communist confusion. It
made the governments high meddlers who had their fingers
in everything from distribution of kerosene to seling of
contraband goods. The Government was not only to
administer but also to provide goods services employments
everything. Here we were doing the Russian thing in our
own Indian way.
Then Russia fell, not
because of the heavy capitalist war machine, but under
its own ungainly weight. China had changed tract a decade
earlier. India followed. That was how liberalization came
in.....more
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Provocative
defence and unwarranted criticism By Prof. Hari Om
A few Left-oriented
historians are expressing their unhappi-ness with the
Congress- dominated Delhi Assembly. They are also
carrying on a no-holds-barred propaganda blitz against
the National Council of Educational Research and Training
(NCERT) for quite some time now....more
Nuclear
terrorism
and
bin Laden factor
By Kalpana Chittaranjan
The teamwork, planning,
organization and commitment that went into the September
11 terror attacks on two landmark buildings, one lifeline
of U.S. economy and other the hub of its defence
establishment, have convinced many that terrorists who
have so far not.. .more
Revolutions
devour
their
own children
By Sondip Bhattacharya
The death of a dream is
never an occasion to rejoice. But when that dream begins
to sour into a nightmare, it is best buried, for almost
the first ones it consumes are the dreamers themselves.
The Naxalites in Bihar, or at least a major faction among
them, have had the courage to recognise that reality and
its consequent necessities.... .more
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EDITORIAL
'Revenue generation' : kidding
or conning ?
Mai bap sarkar was
a peculiarly Indian invention. Nowhere else did the
people look so dependently on the governments for each
and everything. Perhaps a legacy of the kingships of
yore, more possibly it was a continuation of the Raj
system where the British after systematically ruining all
self-sufficiency here came in to provide the
''assistance' in order to make India a full market for
their goods. They came in as traders and stayed traders
even at the height of their empire. On the top of this
legacy came the communist theory that purporting to
remove all governance, created a super dictatorship where
everything was done, directed and dictated by the
government. India combined the English tradesmen's legacy
with this new welfare-way of socialism and formed the new
Indian hotchpotch of capitalist-communist confusion. It
made the governments high meddlers who had their fingers
in everything from distribution of kerosene to seling of
contraband goods. The Government was not only to
administer but also to provide goods services employments
everything. Here we were doing the Russian thing in our
own Indian way.
Then Russia fell, not
because of the heavy capitalist war machine, but under
its own ungainly weight. China had changed tract a decade
earlier. India followed. That was how liberalization came
in. Not because there were any external pressures,
subversions or unholy pacts, but because this module of
governance where the government took upon itself
everything from administration, to trade, to services, to
welfare activities, had proved hugely inefficient,
insupportably costly, and totally unsustainable. It had
also stunted growth and given rise to corruption and
incompetence which even ten years of privatization has
not been able to efface. The consensus from this
experience was that government should get out of meddling
into things. It should concentrate only on administration
and welfare sectors. There are areas where government
alone can bring the services. Then there are things that
government alone would do. In a poverty-stricken nation,
that inspite of heavy development still suffers from
starvation and hunger, there is scope for government to
act as the mitigator of the peoples' sufferings.
But government as an
active commercial undertaker has been proved to be a
false premise. The government cannot be a trader and must
not play at being one. All it will end up with is further
loss of the public monies and more corruption and
inefficiency becoming the way of life all around. At best
it can try to make some of the services it has to provide
self-supportable. These services being by their very
nature 'welfare activities' cannot be expected to become
self-reliant. Education and healthcare, for example, are
two prime areas where government must be active. They may
be made to bearsome of the expanses, but the most of the
expenses would have to be under-written in the interest
of long-term development. It is an investment by itself
in the human resources and must be carried out. As to
other areas government must wind up its activities. In
certain areas it has provided a much needed thrust. At
times government supplying certain services, like
transport, was needed very badly. But now time has come
when these services can be, in fact, are provided better
by the private enterprises and they should be encouraged
to enter the market, while the government should pull
out.
Likewise government may
have been looked as an employer at one time, but now it
neither can be a provider of employments nor should. That
is how disinvestment has become the key word for the
economic policymaking. But none of that thinking seems to
have seeped down to this state of the union. Here
liberalization is a word not yet heard. Disinvestment is
still light-years away. And while the economists are
advising governments to disband the corporations they
hold, this government is trying to make regular
government departments 'revenue earning' arms! The Works
Minister asking the engineering departments to become
revenue generating.. bodies? institutions? enterprises?
corporations....what? is just one example of this
outdated thinking still informing the administration of
the State. If the whole picture of the Indian experience
were somehow not comprehensive, an analysis of the
department the minister was reviewing would have shown
how 'expensive' the 'revenue generation' by them is.
The much lauded
achievement was that Mechanical Engineering Department
had generated a 'revenue' of 1.26 crores so far which was
expected to go to 3 crores by the year-end, exceeding
last years' revenue earning of 1.98 crores. To make this
'earning' possible the government had already granted
5.46 crores to the department for the current year. Of
course, over and above the salaries and other
establishment expenses. And now to realize the possible
'earning' the department needs to employ 110 more people
at a recurrent cost of 10-11 crores per year. The
minister has already 'asked for detailed proposals' in
this regard. Now isn't this an open farce? And, who is it
being played upon? Of course, the state and its people,
who would have to go without electricity for a dozen more
hours to subsidise this 'earning'. It is also at the cost
of many really developmental departments like agriculture
and animal husbandry where the allocation for purchase of
essential medicines has been seriously curtailed in the
bid to save expenses and.. yes, 'earn revenues'! The
primary welfare activities like health and education are
suffering hugely in inputs and essentials because of
these same 'measures'. Meanwhile, under the pretext of
'revenue earning', more and more money is being pumped
into activities, which are not called for at all or at
best should be kept to the minimal.
Take the government
printing press. After all departments are 'forced' to
purchase stationery from them, is the government press
earning any money? Or, providing efficient, quality
service, to these departments? The government may need a
printing press of its own, but wouldn 't it be prudent to
keep it to the minimal extent and farm out the other
work. That would encourage industry, improve service and
save the government much money in the process. Sometime
back we had occasion to remark on the working- Charra
loss-making- of the SRTC. There are any number of
government activities, which are better curtailed in the
interest of governance, people and the economy of the
State. That way government would be able to concentrate
better on the welfare activities, can provide some of the
needed services, improve the quality and give a boost to
the private enterprises, too. The government should know
all this. If it doesn't it needs stop this kidding and
get to know some wisdom. Else, it is canning the whole
State and the economy by manufacturing excuses for
needless spending, here.
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Provocative
defence and unwarranted criticism
By Prof. Hari Om
A few
Left-oriented historians are expressing
their unhappi-ness with the Congress-
dominated Delhi Assembly. They are also
carrying on a no-holds-barred propaganda
blitz against the National Council of
Educational Research and Training (NCERT)
for quite some time now.
Their
grouse against the Delhi Assembly is that
it has adopted a resolution asking the
NCERT to delete forthwith everything from
Professor Satish Chandras book
titled Medieval India which has outraged
the religious and nationalist
sensitivities of the Sikh community. In
effect, the upshot of their whole
formulation against the Delhi Assembly is
that it has "allowed the initiative
to pass on to the BJP', which, they
believe, is out to use its influence over
such educational organizations as the
NCERT with a view to getting the Indian
history "saffronised"and
"communalized". And, their
charge against the NCERT is that it has
lost its independent and professional
character and allowed itself to be
controlled and guided by the present BJP
- led dispensation at the Centre.
Are these
charges based on hard realities and
facts? Even a cursory look at the
available facts would reveal that they
are not. On the contrary, it would
present a picture that at places
dismisses them as somewhat unreasonable,
insensitive, biased and unaccommodating.
Take, for
instance, the Leftist historians
October 8, 2001 assertion made from the
SAHMAT platform regarding the Delhi
Assembly suggestion and that portion of
Professor Satish Chandras book
which deals with Guru Teg Bahadur. Their
assertion was nothing but a reiteration
of the stand taken by Professor Chandra
that Guru Teg Bahadur did "resort to
plunder and rapine, laying waste the
whole province of the Punjab" and
that this conclusion, which has caused a
furor among the Sikhs, had been drawn on
the basis of information as contained in
"some later Persian sources".
But this was not all. The SAHMAT
historians exhibited their total
disregard to the religious sentiments of
the Sikh community when they opined
loudly and unambiguously that Professor
Chandras book contains nothing
whatsoever which in any way downgrades
their revered Guru and that whatever the
author of Medieval India penned down over
a decade ago should he taken as something
infallible.
These
historians consistently say that history
must be based on sources which are,
contemporary, authentic and scientific.
They also dole out sermons day in and day
out that one must be very careful while
examining and cross-examining and
checking and re-checking references so as
to reach logical conclusions. But these
are the sermons meant for others. They
follow a different set of yardstick. For,
they alone have the liberty to select or
reject any kind of sources in order to
construct and reconstruct history,
propagate and promote their narrow
ideology which has all the potentials of
sharpening caste and communal
angularities and suppress or underrate
certain inconvenient facts. Again, they
and they alone have the privilege to use
sources containing what they call
"official explanations".
To
question them or to write a history as it
was would be to invite their and their
supporters ire and such invectives
and epithets as "fascist",
"communalist",
"chauvinist" and what not. How
else would one interpret their great
defence for Professor Satish
Chandras version on Guru Teg
Bahadur based on the "official
explanation... as given in some later
Persian sources" as well as their
bitter criticism of those demanding
deletion of that portion regarded by them
as a grave distortion, derogatory and
insulting.
But this
was not unexpected. After alt they have
been distorting certain facts and forcing
down the nations throat umpteen
imaginary ever since independence. And,
their principal objective in doing so ,
it appears, has been to ensure
polarisation of the Indian society on
caste, ethnic and communal lines so that
the countrys socio-religious and
political equilibrium is disturbed and
none in the country takes pride in his
glorious past. It is, however, a
different story that the Indians ,
barring a handful of disgruntled elements
and vested interests here and there, have
refused to walk into their trap as they
are intelligent enough to understand the
dangerous ramifications of the
Left-oriented historians game-plan.
Instead, they have all along endeavoured
to protect and promote the countrys
unity, integrity and sovereignty.
Professor Romila Thapars and
Professor R.S. Sharmas version on
the origin of the Aryans, the Vedic Age,
beef eating and the genesis of the Ramayana
and Mahabharta; Professor
Satish Chandras treatment to the
otherwise spectacular contributions made
by the Marathas, the Sikhs and the Rajput
Chiefs like Maharana Pratap to the
process of nation - building; and
Professor R.S. Sharmas writings on
lord Mahavira all point to their contempt
for the hard historical facts. But more
than that, all their writings indicate
their disrespect for everything Indian,
the great epics like the Ramayana and
the Mahabharta and the great
religious and spiritual personalities
included, and all praise for those whose
rule was not really glorious by any
standard as it nakedly discriminated
against the majority community in all
spheres and at all levels for centuries
together.
These
constitute just a few of the several such
examples which only serve to demonstrate
their bias, unreasonableness, arrogance
and intolerance. One can also catalogue
several reasons to establish that the
sole intention of these Leftist
historians is not only to spread
misinformation in order to sharpen caste,
ethnic, cultural civilizational and
religious differences and create in the
minds of the Indians a suspicion about
their own origin, identity and
personality, but also to monopolize
history and create an environment that
rigorously prevents others from entering
this crucial, sensitive and nation -
building arena and presenting a true and
accurate picture of facts.
If the
role and activities of the SAHMAT
historians in the ongoing controversy
over the disrespect shown to Guru Teg
Bahadur, who sacrificed his life for the
cause of the country and the oppressed
Kashmiri Pandits, are provocative, their
criticism against the countrys
objective and premier educational
institution NCERT is no less irrational
and unwarranted. After all, what wrong
has the NCERT committed? The NCERTs
only fault is that it is religiously
following in full the 1986 National
Policy on Education (NPE) as well as
the directions as given in the 1992 Programme
of Action (PA).
It is,
however, true that the NCERT has reviewed
the 1988 National Curriculum for
Elementary and Secondary Education : A
Framework and come out with the new
National Curriculum Framework for
School Education (NCFFSE) after
detailed discussions with the
countrys leading educationists and
several State controlled educational
agencies. But it is also equally true
that the NCERT has done so in view of the
1986 direction as contained in the NPE
which makes it virtually mandatory to
review the whole educational policy
"every five years... keeping in
view... issues of major concern, advance
in knowledge and Pedagogical
considerations".
As for the
history, which will form part of the
social studies from the academic session
2002-2003 up to the secondary stage, the
NCERT has at no stage proposed to distort
history or give precedence to
"sentiments" over facts. Nor
would it ever do so and toe any line
which is inconsistent with the NPA
philosophy and goals. For, the NCERT is
an ardent believe in the concept that
facts are sacrosanct and the historians
have the right to interpret them the way
they like plus the rider that none can
and should tamper with the facts. The
NCERT would under no situation can afford
to violate this principle as it is
accountable to the ever watchful nation.
The
Leftist historians would do well to
modify or reform their approach to
history. The best thing for them would be
to develop a spirit that also values die
others view point. Not to do so and
continue to cling to the ill-designed
ideas and conclusions and rake up
controversies over nothing would be to
undermine the importance of history and
create more rancour and animosity between
segments of the Indian society. And, this
the fast-developing Indian nation just
cannot
afford.ªrLf¨ºê¬ú
1z
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Nuclear
terrorism and bin Laden factor
By Kalpana
Chittaranjan
The
teamwork, planning, organization and
commitment that went into the September
11 terror attacks on two landmark
buildings, one lifeline of U.S. economy
and other the hub of its defence
establishment, have convinced many that
terrorists who have so far not used
unconventional weapons or weapons of mass
destruction (WMD), would do so without
hesitation if they possessed such weapons
in their arsenal.
Recent
events such as reports of US and Israeli
commandos training together to seize
Pakistani nuclear weapons at the
possibility of President Pervez
Musharrafs ouster by jehadi or
Taliban-loyal forces, the detention and
release of one of the two Pakistani,
retired nuclear scientists after he was
questioned for suspicion of transferring
nuclear technology to bin laden, a second
US governmental cautionary note to its
citizens warning them of fresh terrorist
attacks from within or outside their
country, the ongoing anthrax bioterrorism
and the revelation that the suspected
ringleader of the September 11 attacks,
Mohammad Atta, had met with a senior
member of the Iraqi intelligence service
in Prague, the Czech Republic capital ,
in spring this year, have contributed to
heightened unease.
Bin
Ladens belief that possessing and
using WMD is legitimate adds to the
growing fear. In an interview to Time
magazine in 1998, he had said, "We
dont consider it a crime if we try
to have nuclear, chemical and biological
weapons. If I have indeed acquired these
weapons, then I thank God for enabling me
to do so." The same year saw him
issuing a statement called "The
Nuclear Bomb of Islam," in which he
said, "It is the duty of Muslims to
prepare as much force as possible to
terrorise the enemies of God." Given
this, the question is not whether bin
Laden would use nuclear weapons but
whether he has such weapons in his
stockpile and if so, of what size,
dimensions and mass-killing capability.
Given
below are accounts of some instances in
which bin Laden and his At-Qaeda
organisation are alleged to have sought
to possess nuclear materials or weapons
by trying to buy, steal or smuggle
nuclear systems. In 1993, a senior bin
Laden operative, Jamal- al-Fadi,
testified during a terrorism trial in New
York this year that he was ordered to buy
uranium from Allah Abdel Moburuk, a
former Sudanese military officer for $1.5
million. Moburuks associate showed
Fadi a bag containing a two-three foot
cylinder purportedly containing uranium,
with documents that stated the material
came from South Africa. Fadl said he was
not aware if the sale went through.
Bin
Ladens emissaries are said to have
made several trips to Europe in attempts
to bring back enriched uranium. Five
nuclear scientists from Turkmenistan had
been recruited by Laden early on; he has
reportedly made attempts to obtain ready
nuclear warheads from Russia, Kazakhstan,
Ukraine and Turkmenistan, for dismantling
and using them to build small tactical
suitcase bombs.
In the
article entitled "Bin Laden Has
Several Nuclear Suitcases" published
on October 25th 1999 in Jerusalem Report,
Yossef Bodansky, a freelance analyst,
who was then head Of the Congressional
Task Force on Non-Conventional Terrorism
in Washington stated: "There is no
longer much doubt that bin Laden has
finally succeeded in his quest for
nuclear Suitcase bombs".
Bodansky asserted that bin Ladens
associates had acquired the bomb through
Chechenya by paying the Chechens $30
million in cash along with two tonnes of
Afghan heroin with an estimated street
value of $700 million in Western cities.
Earlier, in September 1997, the CBS
broadcast a story from former Russian
National Security Advisor, Alexander
Lebed, which claimed the Russian military
could not account for more than 100
suitcase-sized nuclear bombs, out of the
250 that had been developed by the KGB in
the 1970s. In his 1998 testimony to the
US House of Representatives, Lebed
brought this number of missing
suitcase bombs down to 43.
This suitcase bomb can be detonated by
one person and inflict a damage of about
100, 000 casualties.
In
September 1998, Israeli intelligence
sources told Time magazine that bin Laden
had paid $2 million in British pounds to
a man in Kazakhstan for promising to
deliver a suitcase bomb within two years.
Playing off these original news items,
there has been a spate of unconfirmed,
exaggerated and alarming news reports
ever since, which remain unconfirmed.
In recent
weeks, while police in Canada, Britain
and Bulgaria have been urgently
investigating suspicious activity
involving atomic energy research
facilities amidst growing fears that
Osama bin Laden could be attempting to
build crude nuclear weapons, intelligence
sources say he has already acquired
nuclear material. A US defence official
is quoted as saying, "if
theres any nuclear capability, it
is liable to be more radiological than
fissile."
While a
fissile nuclear device produces a nuclear
blast, radiological weapons, also known
as dirty bombs, combine
radioactive material with conventional
explosives to increase their deadliness.
An attack caused by such a weapon would
not cause mass casualties, but would
involve great costs in decontaminating
the area surrounding the explosion.
Radiological bombs would be relatively
easier to obtain and would not be as well
guarded as nuclear weapons.
A major
cause of worry is Pakistans nuclear
weapons. The Institute for Science and
International Security (ISIS) had
assessed that by the end of 1999,
Pakistan possessed 585, 800 kilograms of
weapon-grade highly enriched uranium
(HEU) and 1.7 to 13 kilograms of
separated plutonium, which would be
enough for making 30-50 nuclear bombs or
warheads. Different media reports have
suggested that Pakistans nuclear
weapons are stored with their fissile
cores separated from the non-nuclear
components. However, in the current
situation, the troubling aspect is that
these nuclear weapons or fissile
materials could fall into the hands of
sympathizers of bin Laden, AI -Qaeda or
the Taliban.
While
analysts had concluded in the past that
terrorists would not resort to nuclear
terrorism as such an attack would lead to
massive international condemnation and
retaliation, a new breed of terrorists,
symbolized by Osama bin Laden and his
organisation, AI-Qaeda, who are motivated
by religious rather than political
objectives, would not hesitate in
inflicting a large number of casualties
and would be more likely to use nuclear
weapons, given the chance. -CNF
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Revolutions
devour their own children
By Sondip Bhattacharya
The death of a
dream is never an occasion to rejoice. But when
that dream begins to sour into a nightmare, it is
best buried, for almost the first ones it
consumes are the dreamers themselves. The
Naxalites in Bihar, or at least a major faction
among them, have had the courage to recognise
that reality and its consequent necessities.
It was a
realisation that did not come easily. It involved
great internal tussle and anguish and externally
there was a heavy price to be paid. It involved a
drastic revision of positions held passionately
and romantically. It involved admitting fatal
ideological flaws. But the day came when
circumstances made them brave enough to admit
they were wrong : the lovely dream of <I
>sarvahara
kranti <P>(proletarian revolution) had
become a bloody nightmare of a gangwar that was
not getting anyone anywhere. It had begun, in
fact, to devour those the dream avowedly lived
for and those it sought to redeem: the <I
>sarvahara,
<P>the ones, who by definition, have
nothing to lose but their chains, or in the case
of Bihar, their lives. Of the 500-odd killed in
the state over the last two years in Nexal and
land-related killings, barely a handful were
class enemies of the revolution. The majority
annihilated by the Naxalites were their own
brethren the poor and the landless.
In eschewing the
ideology of individual annihilation and armed
revolution, and seeking a place in the political
mainstream, the Communist Party of India
(Marxist-Leninist) took a bold, though extremely
self-critical and painful decision. If the dream
itself was being plundered by their chosen means,
what was the point of it? And in recognising the
CPI (M-L) as a political party, the Election
Commission had perhaps taken the bolder decision
of giving the Naxalites a chance to begin afresh.
Naxalites need not
be condemned just because they choose to call
themselves that. They are part of our polity and
society and they have something to say and now
that they have divorced the dream from a
self-destructive ideology, they must be
encouraged to evolve another way.
It does not merely
mean giving the fringe an opportunity to join the
mainstream. The meaning of recognising the CPI
(M-L) goes deeper. It is an acceptance of the
fact that terrible malaises exist in our polity
and society and that the state, rather than
brutally smother their symptoms under the heel of
its machinery, should create corrective
opportunities within the system.
Like it is with
all dreams, the dream that the Naxalites had set
out with cannot be faulted in itself. In the end,
it was simply about securing for those who have
nothing, something. It was about correcting
biases and prejudices and injustices. It was
about giving everybody a chance, a more equal
opportunity. It is difficult to quarrel with all
that, even for the most dogmatic opponents of
Naxalism.
But gradually
Naxal ideology and its objectives had become
mutually incompatible. The ideology itself was
flawed on various counts. Some of it was not
conducive to cohesive functioning and that
created divides in the ranks. The movement had
split more ways than the Janata Dal, that
metaphor we have for political fission. And in
those divides, as always, adversarial forces
stepped in, making them deeper, more acute.
Internal flaws had given the Naxalites away.
It is no secret
that for a long time now, the strategy of the
Bihar government has been not to use its own
forces to contain what it calls "red
terror" but to set one Naxal group against
the other. What the state could not subdue with
sheer power, it contained with clever
manipulation. And with the state, old feudal
interests played along full of glee at how easy
it was to make one revolutionary go for the
others throat. The CPI (M-L) was killing
the Maoist Communist Centre, the MCC was killing
Party Unity cadres, and Party Unity was
eliminating Liberation activists.
It was from such a
vicious, suicidal cycle that the CPI (M-L) chose
to eject itself. But there are those who are
still keeping this ugly, destructive charade of
revolution alive. They are doing it either
because they are not fully conscious of the
consequences or have become morbid enough to
start taking pleasure in it they have
tasted blood, and a lot of easy money, just like
the so called fighters for Khalistan in Punjab
had. Or perhaps they do not have the courage to
admit they were wrong. They cannot contend with
the shame of confession. Having made armed
revolution the great god and having sold the
dream on a barrel, how they go back and say it
was all wrong?
Revolutions, they
say, devour their own children. But in central
Bihar, scorched and ravaged home of the once
vaunted ultra-left underground land struggle, the
children seem to have devoured the revolution.
Radicals have turned into extortionists, armed
"liberators" of the people have become
their scourge. Masquerading under the guise of
gallant soldiers of a class war against the
mighty feudal oppressor are gangs of marauders
indulging in wanton loot, rape and plunder. And
they are no longer and plundering the class enemy
any more, they are busy setting poor against the
poor and themselves against themselves.
In the villages
that hug the serpentine Patna-Gaya highway,
terror mostly lives where it always has in
the benighted dwellings of the sarvahara. The
initial wave of Naxalism broke the stranglehold
of feudalism in some areas although at
that level too the battle continues, feudalism
having equipped itself with its own little lethal
armies but then the poor had new masters
to serve. Earlier there was just one feudal lord
to serve, with whom through years of dealing the
poor had developed a semblance of a realtionship,
loaded as it was against them. But then came
stream after conquering stream of saviours, each
claiming greater righteousness than the other,
each exacting a greater price. During the day
there was one man with a red flag and a gun
promising liberation and demanding the price for
it. By night there was another man with a red
flag and a gun, promising liberation and
demanding another bit. And there was always the
police to squeeze out what was left.
For sometime now,
even the landlords have been enjoying the
"red revolution"; the soldier of
revolution has become to them as flies are to
gods. With money, they have been using these
armed groups not merely to eliminate each other,
but also to keep the terror among the poor alive.
Each Naxal group blames the other of acting on
behalf of class enemies. Each one says the other
is not actually eliminating the class enemy but
extorting money from him and letting him be. The
Liberation group, affiliated to the CPI (M-L),
circulated a pamphlet last year blaming Party
Unity for collaborating with the class enemy and
fighting their battle.
"They have
become enemies of the people, they are beholden
to feudal elements who are supplying them with
the resources to fight the real champions of the
proletariat," the pamphlet said. Party Unity
and the MCC have indulged in similar mudslinging
against each other and against Liberation. The
reality, of course, is that all of them are
speaking the truth. They find the need to make
allegations of betrayal of the "greet
cause" against each other because each of
them needs the facade of righteousness.
Instances abound
of the MCC and Party Unity cadres clinching dark
deals with landlords for a sum they would
plunder villages where rival Naxal groups operate
or are strong. Central Bihar is blistered with
the scars of battle between one mans red
revolution and another mans red revolution.
They are nothing but dirty gangwars for hegemony
in which the poor and the innocent those
in whose name the revolution runs are
being slaughtered. In Dhamani last year, 11
persons were gunned down by Party Unity cadres
because they were suspected Indian Peoples
Front-Liberation activists. The local feudals
were alarmed at the way Liberation was spreading
its influence in the region, they hired
Liberations ideological cousins to do them
in. The same happened in Siddhipur and Sindhaur
and Taal one revolutionary was killing the
other at the instance of their supposedly common
class enemy; the feudal landlord.
And in the midst
of all this, the dream itself has been has been
bayoneted. Of land reform, the stated aim of
various underground outfits; there is no sign
yet. The size of land holding in Central Bihar,
barring the few and temporary
"liberations", remains as outrageous
and unjust as ever. The landless had not got any
access to better mans. Their lot has not improved
economically, their daily life is still the
brutal drudgery it has been all along. It is
probably also a little more bitter because the
red advance raised aspirations and delivered
little. In terms of giving them a sense of
inspiration and identity, Laloo Yadavs
demagoguery has done more. The slogans of
revolution ring hollow in their ears and the
ideology of the gun, once a romantic instrument
of hope, has begun to frighten them.
The CPI (M-L) will
now be competing against Laloo Yadav and the
others as a recognised players in democratic
arena. For all one knows, it may prove a failure
but that will be a better fate than clinging to a
nightmare pretending it is a dream. An honest
failure is any day more acceptable to a dishonest
success, if success is there to be had at all.
INAV
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