EDITORIAL

'Revenue generation' :
kidding or conning ?

Mai bap sarkar was a peculiarly Indian invention. Nowhere else did the people look so dependently on the governments for each and everything. Perhaps a legacy of the kingships of yore, more possibly it was a continuation of the Raj system where the British after systematically ruining all self-sufficiency here came in to provide the ''assistance' in order to make India a full market for their goods. They came in as traders and stayed traders even at the height of their empire. On the top of this legacy came the communist theory that purporting to remove all governance, created a super dictatorship where everything was done, directed and dictated by the government. India combined the English tradesmen's legacy with this new welfare-way of socialism and formed the new Indian hotchpotch of capitalist-communist confusion. It made the governments high meddlers who had their fingers in everything from distribution of kerosene to seling of contraband goods. The Government was not only to administer but also to provide goods services employments everything. Here we were doing the Russian thing in our own Indian way.

Then Russia fell, not because of the heavy capitalist war machine, but under its own ungainly weight. China had changed tract a decade earlier. India followed. That was how liberalization came in.....more

Provocative defence and unwarranted criticism

By Prof. Hari Om

A few Left-oriented historians are expressing their unhappi-ness with the Congress- dominated Delhi Assembly. They are also carrying on a no-holds-barred propaganda blitz against the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) for quite some time now....more

Nuclear terrorism
and bin Laden factor

By Kalpana Chittaranjan

The teamwork, planning, organization and commitment that went into the September 11 terror attacks on two landmark buildings, one lifeline of U.S. economy and other the hub of its defence establishment, have convinced many that terrorists who have so far not.. .more

Revolutions devour
their own children

By Sondip Bhattacharya

The death of a dream is never an occasion to rejoice. But when that dream begins to sour into a nightmare, it is best buried, for almost the first ones it consumes are the dreamers themselves. The Naxalites in Bihar, or at least a major faction among them, have had the courage to recognise that reality and its consequent necessities.... .more

EDITORIAL

'Revenue generation' : kidding or conning ?

Mai bap sarkar was a peculiarly Indian invention. Nowhere else did the people look so dependently on the governments for each and everything. Perhaps a legacy of the kingships of yore, more possibly it was a continuation of the Raj system where the British after systematically ruining all self-sufficiency here came in to provide the ''assistance' in order to make India a full market for their goods. They came in as traders and stayed traders even at the height of their empire. On the top of this legacy came the communist theory that purporting to remove all governance, created a super dictatorship where everything was done, directed and dictated by the government. India combined the English tradesmen's legacy with this new welfare-way of socialism and formed the new Indian hotchpotch of capitalist-communist confusion. It made the governments high meddlers who had their fingers in everything from distribution of kerosene to seling of contraband goods. The Government was not only to administer but also to provide goods services employments everything. Here we were doing the Russian thing in our own Indian way.

Then Russia fell, not because of the heavy capitalist war machine, but under its own ungainly weight. China had changed tract a decade earlier. India followed. That was how liberalization came in. Not because there were any external pressures, subversions or unholy pacts, but because this module of governance where the government took upon itself everything from administration, to trade, to services, to welfare activities, had proved hugely inefficient, insupportably costly, and totally unsustainable. It had also stunted growth and given rise to corruption and incompetence which even ten years of privatization has not been able to efface. The consensus from this experience was that government should get out of meddling into things. It should concentrate only on administration and welfare sectors. There are areas where government alone can bring the services. Then there are things that government alone would do. In a poverty-stricken nation, that inspite of heavy development still suffers from starvation and hunger, there is scope for government to act as the mitigator of the peoples' sufferings.

But government as an active commercial undertaker has been proved to be a false premise. The government cannot be a trader and must not play at being one. All it will end up with is further loss of the public monies and more corruption and inefficiency becoming the way of life all around. At best it can try to make some of the services it has to provide self-supportable. These services being by their very nature 'welfare activities' cannot be expected to become self-reliant. Education and healthcare, for example, are two prime areas where government must be active. They may be made to bearsome of the expanses, but the most of the expenses would have to be under-written in the interest of long-term development. It is an investment by itself in the human resources and must be carried out. As to other areas government must wind up its activities. In certain areas it has provided a much needed thrust. At times government supplying certain services, like transport, was needed very badly. But now time has come when these services can be, in fact, are provided better by the private enterprises and they should be encouraged to enter the market, while the government should pull out.

Likewise government may have been looked as an employer at one time, but now it neither can be a provider of employments nor should. That is how disinvestment has become the key word for the economic policymaking. But none of that thinking seems to have seeped down to this state of the union. Here liberalization is a word not yet heard. Disinvestment is still light-years away. And while the economists are advising governments to disband the corporations they hold, this government is trying to make regular government departments 'revenue earning' arms! The Works Minister asking the engineering departments to become revenue generating.. bodies? institutions? enterprises? corporations....what? is just one example of this outdated thinking still informing the administration of the State. If the whole picture of the Indian experience were somehow not comprehensive, an analysis of the department the minister was reviewing would have shown how 'expensive' the 'revenue generation' by them is.

The much lauded achievement was that Mechanical Engineering Department had generated a 'revenue' of 1.26 crores so far which was expected to go to 3 crores by the year-end, exceeding last years' revenue earning of 1.98 crores. To make this 'earning' possible the government had already granted 5.46 crores to the department for the current year. Of course, over and above the salaries and other establishment expenses. And now to realize the possible 'earning' the department needs to employ 110 more people at a recurrent cost of 10-11 crores per year. The minister has already 'asked for detailed proposals' in this regard. Now isn't this an open farce? And, who is it being played upon? Of course, the state and its people, who would have to go without electricity for a dozen more hours to subsidise this 'earning'. It is also at the cost of many really developmental departments like agriculture and animal husbandry where the allocation for purchase of essential medicines has been seriously curtailed in the bid to save expenses and.. yes, 'earn revenues'! The primary welfare activities like health and education are suffering hugely in inputs and essentials because of these same 'measures'. Meanwhile, under the pretext of 'revenue earning', more and more money is being pumped into activities, which are not called for at all or at best should be kept to the minimal.

Take the government printing press. After all departments are 'forced' to purchase stationery from them, is the government press earning any money? Or, providing efficient, quality service, to these departments? The government may need a printing press of its own, but wouldn 't it be prudent to keep it to the minimal extent and farm out the other work. That would encourage industry, improve service and save the government much money in the process. Sometime back we had occasion to remark on the working- Charra loss-making- of the SRTC. There are any number of government activities, which are better curtailed in the interest of governance, people and the economy of the State. That way government would be able to concentrate better on the welfare activities, can provide some of the needed services, improve the quality and give a boost to the private enterprises, too. The government should know all this. If it doesn't it needs stop this kidding and get to know some wisdom. Else, it is canning the whole State and the economy by manufacturing excuses for needless spending, here.

Provocative defence and unwarranted criticism

By Prof. Hari Om

A few Left-oriented historians are expressing their unhappi-ness with the Congress- dominated Delhi Assembly. They are also carrying on a no-holds-barred propaganda blitz against the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) for quite some time now.

Their grouse against the Delhi Assembly is that it has adopted a resolution asking the NCERT to delete forthwith everything from Professor Satish Chandra’s book titled Medieval India which has outraged the religious and nationalist sensitivities of the Sikh community. In effect, the upshot of their whole formulation against the Delhi Assembly is that it has "allowed the initiative to pass on to the BJP'’, which, they believe, is out to use its influence over such educational organizations as the NCERT with a view to getting the Indian history "saffronised"and "communalized". And, their charge against the NCERT is that it has lost its independent and professional character and allowed itself to be controlled and guided by the present BJP - led dispensation at the Centre.

Are these charges based on hard realities and facts? Even a cursory look at the available facts would reveal that they are not. On the contrary, it would present a picture that at places dismisses them as somewhat unreasonable, insensitive, biased and unaccommodating.

Take, for instance, the Leftist historians’ October 8, 2001 assertion made from the SAHMAT platform regarding the Delhi Assembly suggestion and that portion of Professor Satish Chandra’s book which deals with Guru Teg Bahadur. Their assertion was nothing but a reiteration of the stand taken by Professor Chandra that Guru Teg Bahadur did "resort to plunder and rapine, laying waste the whole province of the Punjab" and that this conclusion, which has caused a furor among the Sikhs, had been drawn on the basis of information as contained in "some later Persian sources". But this was not all. The SAHMAT historians exhibited their total disregard to the religious sentiments of the Sikh community when they opined loudly and unambiguously that Professor Chandra’s book contains nothing whatsoever which in any way downgrades their revered Guru and that whatever the author of Medieval India penned down over a decade ago should he taken as something infallible.

These historians consistently say that history must be based on sources which are, contemporary, authentic and scientific. They also dole out sermons day in and day out that one must be very careful while examining and cross-examining and checking and re-checking references so as to reach logical conclusions. But these are the sermons meant for others. They follow a different set of yardstick. For, they alone have the liberty to select or reject any kind of sources in order to construct and reconstruct history, propagate and promote their narrow ideology which has all the potentials of sharpening caste and communal angularities and suppress or underrate certain inconvenient facts. Again, they and they alone have the privilege to use sources containing what they call "official explanations".

To question them or to write a history as it was would be to invite their and their supporters’ ire and such invectives and epithets as "fascist", "communalist", "chauvinist" and what not. How else would one interpret their great defence for Professor Satish Chandra’s version on Guru Teg Bahadur based on the "official explanation... as given in some later Persian sources" as well as their bitter criticism of those demanding deletion of that portion regarded by them as a grave distortion, derogatory and insulting.

But this was not unexpected. After alt they have been distorting certain facts and forcing down the nation’s throat umpteen imaginary ever since independence. And, their principal objective in doing so , it appears, has been to ensure polarisation of the Indian society on caste, ethnic and communal lines so that the country’s socio-religious and political equilibrium is disturbed and none in the country takes pride in his glorious past. It is, however, a different story that the Indians , barring a handful of disgruntled elements and vested interests here and there, have refused to walk into their trap as they are intelligent enough to understand the dangerous ramifications of the Left-oriented historians’ game-plan. Instead, they have all along endeavoured to protect and promote the country’s unity, integrity and sovereignty. Professor Romila Thapar’s and Professor R.S. Sharma’s version on the origin of the Aryans, the Vedic Age, beef eating and the genesis of the Ramayana and Mahabharta; Professor Satish Chandra’s treatment to the otherwise spectacular contributions made by the Marathas, the Sikhs and the Rajput Chiefs like Maharana Pratap to the process of nation - building; and Professor R.S. Sharma’s writings on lord Mahavira all point to their contempt for the hard historical facts. But more than that, all their writings indicate their disrespect for everything Indian, the great epics like the Ramayana and the Mahabharta and the great religious and spiritual personalities included, and all praise for those whose rule was not really glorious by any standard as it nakedly discriminated against the majority community in all spheres and at all levels for centuries together.

These constitute just a few of the several such examples which only serve to demonstrate their bias, unreasonableness, arrogance and intolerance. One can also catalogue several reasons to establish that the sole intention of these Leftist historians is not only to spread misinformation in order to sharpen caste, ethnic, cultural civilizational and religious differences and create in the minds of the Indians a suspicion about their own origin, identity and personality, but also to monopolize history and create an environment that rigorously prevents others from entering this crucial, sensitive and nation - building arena and presenting a true and accurate picture of facts.

If the role and activities of the SAHMAT historians in the ongoing controversy over the disrespect shown to Guru Teg Bahadur, who sacrificed his life for the cause of the country and the oppressed Kashmiri Pandits, are provocative, their criticism against the country’s objective and premier educational institution NCERT is no less irrational and unwarranted. After all, what wrong has the NCERT committed? The NCERT’s only fault is that it is religiously following in full the 1986 National Policy on Education (NPE) as well as the directions as given in the 1992 Programme of Action (PA).

It is, however, true that the NCERT has reviewed the 1988 National Curriculum for Elementary and Secondary Education : A Framework and come out with the new National Curriculum Framework for School Education (NCFFSE) after detailed discussions with the country’s leading educationists and several State controlled educational agencies. But it is also equally true that the NCERT has done so in view of the 1986 direction as contained in the NPE which makes it virtually mandatory to review the whole educational policy "every five years... keeping in view... issues of major concern, advance in knowledge and Pedagogical considerations".

As for the history, which will form part of the social studies from the academic session 2002-2003 up to the secondary stage, the NCERT has at no stage proposed to distort history or give precedence to "sentiments" over facts. Nor would it ever do so and toe any line which is inconsistent with the NPA philosophy and goals. For, the NCERT is an ardent believe in the concept that facts are sacrosanct and the historians have the right to interpret them the way they like plus the rider that none can and should tamper with the facts. The NCERT would under no situation can afford to violate this principle as it is accountable to the ever watchful nation.

The Leftist historians would do well to modify or reform their approach to history. The best thing for them would be to develop a spirit that also values die other’s view point. Not to do so and continue to cling to the ill-designed ideas and conclusions and rake up controversies over nothing would be to undermine the importance of history and create more rancour and animosity between segments of the Indian society. And, this the fast-developing Indian nation just cannot afford.ªrLŠ€ f¨ºê¬ú 1z 

Nuclear terrorism and bin Laden factor

By Kalpana Chittaranjan

The teamwork, planning, organization and commitment that went into the September 11 terror attacks on two landmark buildings, one lifeline of U.S. economy and other the hub of its defence establishment, have convinced many that terrorists who have so far not used unconventional weapons or weapons of mass destruction (WMD), would do so without hesitation if they possessed such weapons in their arsenal.

Recent events such as reports of US and Israeli commandos training together to seize Pakistani nuclear weapons at the possibility of President Pervez Musharraf’s ouster by jehadi or Taliban-loyal forces, the detention and release of one of the two Pakistani, retired nuclear scientists after he was questioned for suspicion of transferring nuclear technology to bin laden, a second US governmental cautionary note to its citizens warning them of fresh terrorist attacks from within or outside their country, the ongoing anthrax bioterrorism and the revelation that the suspected ringleader of the September 11 attacks, Mohammad Atta, had met with a senior member of the Iraqi intelligence service in Prague, the Czech Republic capital , in spring this year, have contributed to heightened unease.

Bin Laden’s belief that possessing and using WMD is legitimate adds to the growing fear. In an interview to Time magazine in 1998, he had said, "We don’t consider it a crime if we try to have nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. If I have indeed acquired these weapons, then I thank God for enabling me to do so." The same year saw him issuing a statement called "The Nuclear Bomb of Islam," in which he said, "It is the duty of Muslims to prepare as much force as possible to terrorise the enemies of God." Given this, the question is not whether bin Laden would use nuclear weapons but whether he has such weapons in his stockpile and if so, of what size, dimensions and mass-killing capability.

Given below are accounts of some instances in which bin Laden and his At-Qaeda organisation are alleged to have sought to possess nuclear materials or weapons by trying to buy, steal or smuggle nuclear systems. In 1993, a senior bin Laden operative, Jamal- al-Fadi, testified during a terrorism trial in New York this year that he was ordered to buy uranium from Allah Abdel Moburuk, a former Sudanese military officer for $1.5 million. Moburuk’s associate showed Fadi a bag containing a two-three foot cylinder purportedly containing uranium, with documents that stated the material came from South Africa. Fadl said he was not aware if the sale went through.

Bin Laden’s emissaries are said to have made several trips to Europe in attempts to bring back enriched uranium. Five nuclear scientists from Turkmenistan had been recruited by Laden early on; he has reportedly made attempts to obtain ready nuclear warheads from Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine and Turkmenistan, for dismantling and using them to build small tactical ‘suitcase’ bombs.

In the article entitled "Bin Laden Has Several Nuclear Suitcases" published on October 25th 1999 in Jerusalem Report, Yossef Bodansky, a freelance analyst, who was then head Of the Congressional Task Force on Non-Conventional Terrorism in Washington stated: "There is no longer much doubt that bin Laden has finally succeeded in his quest for nuclear ‘Suitcase’ bombs". Bodansky asserted that bin Laden’s associates had acquired the bomb through Chechenya by paying the Chechens $30 million in cash along with two tonnes of Afghan heroin with an estimated street value of $700 million in Western cities. Earlier, in September 1997, the CBS broadcast a story from former Russian National Security Advisor, Alexander Lebed, which claimed the Russian military could not account for more than 100 suitcase-sized nuclear bombs, out of the 250 that had been developed by the KGB in the 1970s. In his 1998 testimony to the US House of Representatives, Lebed brought this number of missing ‘suitcase’ bombs down to 43. This suitcase bomb can be detonated by one person and inflict a damage of about 100, 000 casualties.

In September 1998, Israeli intelligence sources told Time magazine that bin Laden had paid $2 million in British pounds to a man in Kazakhstan for promising to deliver a suitcase bomb within two years. Playing off these original news items, there has been a spate of unconfirmed, exaggerated and alarming news reports ever since, which remain unconfirmed.

In recent weeks, while police in Canada, Britain and Bulgaria have been urgently investigating suspicious activity involving atomic energy research facilities amidst growing fears that Osama bin Laden could be attempting to build crude nuclear weapons, intelligence sources say he has already acquired nuclear material. A US defence official is quoted as saying, "if there’s any nuclear capability, it is liable to be more radiological than fissile."

While a fissile nuclear device produces a nuclear blast, radiological weapons, also known as ‘dirty bombs’, combine radioactive material with conventional explosives to increase their deadliness. An attack caused by such a weapon would not cause mass casualties, but would involve great costs in decontaminating the area surrounding the explosion. Radiological bombs would be relatively easier to obtain and would not be as well guarded as nuclear weapons.

A major cause of worry is Pakistan’s nuclear weapons. The Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS) had assessed that by the end of 1999, Pakistan possessed 585, 800 kilograms of weapon-grade highly enriched uranium (HEU) and 1.7 to 13 kilograms of separated plutonium, which would be enough for making 30-50 nuclear bombs or warheads. Different media reports have suggested that Pakistan’s nuclear weapons are stored with their fissile cores separated from the non-nuclear components. However, in the current situation, the troubling aspect is that these nuclear weapons or fissile materials could fall into the hands of sympathizers of bin Laden, AI -Qaeda or the Taliban.

While analysts had concluded in the past that terrorists would not resort to nuclear terrorism as such an attack would lead to massive international condemnation and retaliation, a new breed of terrorists, symbolized by Osama bin Laden and his organisation, AI-Qaeda, who are motivated by religious rather than political objectives, would not hesitate in inflicting a large number of casualties and would be more likely to use nuclear weapons, given the chance. -CNF

 

Revolutions devour their own children

By Sondip Bhattacharya

The death of a dream is never an occasion to rejoice. But when that dream begins to sour into a nightmare, it is best buried, for almost the first ones it consumes are the dreamers themselves. The Naxalites in Bihar, or at least a major faction among them, have had the courage to recognise that reality and its consequent necessities.

It was a realisation that did not come easily. It involved great internal tussle and anguish and externally there was a heavy price to be paid. It involved a drastic revision of positions held passionately and romantically. It involved admitting fatal ideological flaws. But the day came when circumstances made them brave enough to admit they were wrong : the lovely dream of <I

>sarvahara kranti <P>(proletarian revolution) had become a bloody nightmare of a gangwar that was not getting anyone anywhere. It had begun, in fact, to devour those the dream avowedly lived for and those it sought to redeem: the <I

>sarvahara, <P>the ones, who by definition, have nothing to lose but their chains, or in the case of Bihar, their lives. Of the 500-odd killed in the state over the last two years in Nexal and land-related killings, barely a handful were class enemies of the revolution. The majority annihilated by the Naxalites were their own brethren – the poor and the landless.

In eschewing the ideology of individual annihilation and armed revolution, and seeking a place in the political mainstream, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) took a bold, though extremely self-critical and painful decision. If the dream itself was being plundered by their chosen means, what was the point of it? And in recognising the CPI (M-L) as a political party, the Election Commission had perhaps taken the bolder decision of giving the Naxalites a chance to begin afresh.

Naxalites need not be condemned just because they choose to call themselves that. They are part of our polity and society and they have something to say and now that they have divorced the dream from a self-destructive ideology, they must be encouraged to evolve another way.

It does not merely mean giving the fringe an opportunity to join the mainstream. The meaning of recognising the CPI (M-L) goes deeper. It is an acceptance of the fact that terrible malaises exist in our polity and society and that the state, rather than brutally smother their symptoms under the heel of its machinery, should create corrective opportunities within the system.

Like it is with all dreams, the dream that the Naxalites had set out with cannot be faulted in itself. In the end, it was simply about securing for those who have nothing, something. It was about correcting biases and prejudices and injustices. It was about giving everybody a chance, a more equal opportunity. It is difficult to quarrel with all that, even for the most dogmatic opponents of Naxalism.

But gradually Naxal ideology and its objectives had become mutually incompatible. The ideology itself was flawed on various counts. Some of it was not conducive to cohesive functioning and that created divides in the ranks. The movement had split more ways than the Janata Dal, that metaphor we have for political fission. And in those divides, as always, adversarial forces stepped in, making them deeper, more acute. Internal flaws had given the Naxalites away.

It is no secret that for a long time now, the strategy of the Bihar government has been not to use its own forces to contain what it calls "red terror" but to set one Naxal group against the other. What the state could not subdue with sheer power, it contained with clever manipulation. And with the state, old feudal interests played along full of glee at how easy it was to make one revolutionary go for the other’s throat. The CPI (M-L) was killing the Maoist Communist Centre, the MCC was killing Party Unity cadres, and Party Unity was eliminating Liberation activists.

It was from such a vicious, suicidal cycle that the CPI (M-L) chose to eject itself. But there are those who are still keeping this ugly, destructive charade of revolution alive. They are doing it either because they are not fully conscious of the consequences or have become morbid enough to start taking pleasure in it – they have tasted blood, and a lot of easy money, just like the so called fighters for Khalistan in Punjab had. Or perhaps they do not have the courage to admit they were wrong. They cannot contend with the shame of confession. Having made armed revolution the great god and having sold the dream on a barrel, how they go back and say it was all wrong?

Revolutions, they say, devour their own children. But in central Bihar, scorched and ravaged home of the once vaunted ultra-left underground land struggle, the children seem to have devoured the revolution. Radicals have turned into extortionists, armed "liberators" of the people have become their scourge. Masquerading under the guise of gallant soldiers of a class war against the mighty feudal oppressor are gangs of marauders indulging in wanton loot, rape and plunder. And they are no longer and plundering the class enemy any more, they are busy setting poor against the poor and themselves against themselves.

In the villages that hug the serpentine Patna-Gaya highway, terror mostly lives where it always has – in the benighted dwellings of the sarvahara. The initial wave of Naxalism broke the stranglehold of feudalism in some areas – although at that level too the battle continues, feudalism having equipped itself with its own little lethal armies – but then the poor had new masters to serve. Earlier there was just one feudal lord to serve, with whom through years of dealing the poor had developed a semblance of a realtionship, loaded as it was against them. But then came stream after conquering stream of saviours, each claiming greater righteousness than the other, each exacting a greater price. During the day there was one man with a red flag and a gun promising liberation and demanding the price for it. By night there was another man with a red flag and a gun, promising liberation and demanding another bit. And there was always the police to squeeze out what was left.

For sometime now, even the landlords have been enjoying the "red revolution"; the soldier of revolution has become to them as flies are to gods. With money, they have been using these armed groups not merely to eliminate each other, but also to keep the terror among the poor alive. Each Naxal group blames the other of acting on behalf of class enemies. Each one says the other is not actually eliminating the class enemy but extorting money from him and letting him be. The Liberation group, affiliated to the CPI (M-L), circulated a pamphlet last year blaming Party Unity for collaborating with the class enemy and fighting their battle.

"They have become enemies of the people, they are beholden to feudal elements who are supplying them with the resources to fight the real champions of the proletariat," the pamphlet said. Party Unity and the MCC have indulged in similar mudslinging against each other and against Liberation. The reality, of course, is that all of them are speaking the truth. They find the need to make allegations of betrayal of the "greet cause" against each other because each of them needs the facade of righteousness.

Instances abound of the MCC and Party Unity cadres clinching dark deals with landlords – for a sum they would plunder villages where rival Naxal groups operate or are strong. Central Bihar is blistered with the scars of battle between one man’s red revolution and another man’s red revolution. They are nothing but dirty gangwars for hegemony in which the poor and the innocent – those in whose name the revolution runs – are being slaughtered. In Dhamani last year, 11 persons were gunned down by Party Unity cadres because they were suspected Indian People’s Front-Liberation activists. The local feudals were alarmed at the way Liberation was spreading its influence in the region, they hired Liberation’s ideological cousins to do them in. The same happened in Siddhipur and Sindhaur and Taal – one revolutionary was killing the other at the instance of their supposedly common class enemy; the feudal landlord.

And in the midst of all this, the dream itself has been has been bayoneted. Of land reform, the stated aim of various underground outfits; there is no sign yet. The size of land holding in Central Bihar, barring the few and temporary "liberations", remains as outrageous and unjust as ever. The landless had not got any access to better mans. Their lot has not improved economically, their daily life is still the brutal drudgery it has been all along. It is probably also a little more bitter because the red advance raised aspirations and delivered little. In terms of giving them a sense of inspiration and identity, Laloo Yadav’s demagoguery has done more. The slogans of revolution ring hollow in their ears and the ideology of the gun, once a romantic instrument of hope, has begun to frighten them.

The CPI (M-L) will now be competing against Laloo Yadav and the others as a recognised players in democratic arena. For all one knows, it may prove a failure but that will be a better fate than clinging to a nightmare pretending it is a dream. An honest failure is any day more acceptable to a dishonest success, if success is there to be had at all. INAV

 
 



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