Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

Chalking out
Education for future

By Dr Vishiesh Verma
Indian education is about to undergo a transformation. A transformation which is brought about by a heady mix of ....more

Indo-Malaysian relations
in the whirlpool of
politics of economics

By N.B.Menon
If Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had visited Malaysia and Japan, in early February as he was scheduled to, his.....more

Pakistan in poor light

By M A Haq
The Dawn', a leading Pakistani daily carried an article on 8th April, 2001 written by Mohd Waseem which analyzed ....more

A big leap for India's
space vent

By Radhakrishna Rao
Blasting off amidst thunderous roar and a thick pall of orange and white smoke, India's most powerful and prestigious space vehicle, the three stage GSLV (Geosynchronous Satellite Launch....more

EDITORIAL

PANT IN J&K

In a place like Kashmir where fur and fan go together, existence of people with unpredictable behaviourial system is neither shocking nor surprising. Again, in a place like Kashmir where batches of non-Kashmiris have, over the years, emerged as ‘specialists’ and ‘experts’, activity or expression by groups of locals or by certain leaders to resort to political blackmail is natural, and, indeed, encouraged more often than not by vested interests belonging to both pro-India and pro-Pakistan formations. The instrument of political blackmail, events in recent years have already established, is made use of not only by the secessionists-more specifically by the leaders of the All-Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC)-but also by non-Hurriyat camps and leaders, including the high-profile founder of Jammu and Kashmir Democratic Freedom Party, Shabir Ahmed Shah. And being a constituent of the BJP-led NDA coalition Government at the Centre, Dr Farooq Abdullah’s National Conference party too, though committed to the task of preserving the Indo-Kashmir link, does not fight shy while resorting to some kind of blackmail or pressure tactics to assert itself in the wake of any provocation from the Centre. Shabir Shah, though controversial like several other political leaders, has managed to create a constituency for himself in Jammu and Kashmir. This, however, does not mean that he should consider himself far superior to the two most important constitutional personalities of Jammu and Kashmir, namely, the Governor, Girish Chandra Saxena, and Chief Minister, Dr Farooq. The Centre has appointed the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, KC Pant, as the chief negotiator for Kashmir. Pant, being a senior Indian political figure, cannot be expected to throw to the winds the protocol in the wake of his visit to Jammu and Kashmir, which started on May 28. He did not commit any mistake by commencing his peace talks by first getting himself briefed by the Governor, the Chief Minister and senior functionaries of the State administration and other security agencies soon after his arrival in Srinagar. Pant had, before taking off from Delhi’s Palam airport, planned to hold "detailed" discussions with Shabir Shah. And by the time Pant landed in Srinagar amid tight security, he seemed to have considered Shabir Shah to be a ‘mature’ leader. But this was a myth, which did not take even more than an hour to get exploded. Kashmir’s ‘Nelson Mandela’, as Shabir is called by his supporters and factotums, failed to demonstrate maturity and tolerance like the real Nelson Mandela of South Africa. Hardly had KC Pant completed his first round of talks with Government representatives on the first day of his six-day visit to J&K when Shabir Shah sarcastically remarked: "Let him (Pant) first talk to his own people, who also include the so-called Chief Minister, Farooq Abdullah". Why so-called-Chief Minister comment? Whatever the attitude of Shabir Shah and other critics towards Dr Farooq, there is no doubt that the latter is the real Chief Minister, elected by a popular mandate in the 1996 Assembly elections. The Government of India has, on more than one occasions since the appointment of Pant as chief negotiator, made it clear that his talks would be broad-based to cover all sections of society. In a situation like this, if Shabir Shah insisted on KC Pant calling on him and holding "informal" talks in the first phase, can he (Pant) refuse if asked by others as well, including leaders of the Hurriyat Conference at a later stage of course, that he should also call on them for continuing peace talks? What actually is up on Pant’s sleeve vis-à-vis the Hurriyat leaders remains a secret. At the same time, he is required to tread cautiously, in view of the confusing signals emanating from New Delhi with regard to the Hurriyat Conference. If the Minister for External Affairs, Jaswant Singh, sought to throw cold water on Gen. Parvez Musharraf’s reported plans to meet in New Delhi a delegation of the Hurriyat, the Home Minister, LK Advani, was reported to be not averse to the idea. Mr Advani is not incorrect in his assessment that as the Hurriyat leaders are in "regular" contact with the Pak High Commission in New Delhi, their interaction with Gen. Musharraf would not signify any shift in the Government of India’s perception of their relevance in the overall peace process. Pakistan claims that the Hurriyat Conference is the "legitimate" representative of the people of J&K. Jaswant Singh, on the other hand, had declared that the demand for a meeting between Gen. Musharraf and a Hurriyat delegation in the Indian capital is a ‘non-issue’. Jaswant’s statement is to be studied in the context of Islamabad’s stand that Hurriyat leaders’ ‘legitimate’ right to meet Gen. Musharraf need not be challenged. New Delhi has for the present managed to keep the Hurriyat out of talks. But New Delhi’s offer for talks, as rightly argued by the Hurriyat leader, Umar Farooq, has vindicated the APHC position that Pakistan should be invited as the third party for a durable and peaceful settlement of the Kashmir issue. Jaswant Singh’s pro-Indo-Kashmir utterances came at a time when KC Pant undertook a crucial, high-profile visit to J&K. Pant’s agenda, since his appointment last month as the pointman for talks on the Kashmir issue, is basically a one-point one-that is, to hold negotiations with all Kashmiri groups to work out a possible solution to the thorny problem that has strained relations between India and Pakistan for decades. "Pant will meet leaders of political parties, public personalities, intellectuals, groups and individuals", the official statement issued said, adding that he would also hold discussions to assess the pace of development and meet representatives of trade and industry during his 6-day visit. The wide cross-section of the people of J&K that Pant would meet is indicative of the Central Government’s desire to assess the mood of the people of the Valley before taking any decision on the issue. That Pant’s visit comes ahead of the proposed summit in July between Atal Behari Vajpayee and Gen. Musharraf, reflects the pursuance by the Central Government of its two-pronged strategy of talks on the issue-involving Pakistan in a summit and engaging various Kashmir groups in an internal dialogue. True, quite a few Kashmiris wanted Pant to be in the Valley for an on-the-spot assessment of the situation. But his plan to undertake a trip to Jammu and Kashmir seemed to have been influenced more by Kashmir’s former Chief Minister, GM Shah, and ‘moderate’ secessionist leader, Shabir Shah, than by others in the troubled State. Will Pant’s visit be a major opportunity for making ground for substantial and meaningful talks in the near future? And will it help counter the criticism that New Delhi has failed to involve the common Kashmiri so far in its peace efforts? One may differ with the modus operandi of the Hurriyat Conference. The fact remains that it continues to be in the news-and possibly will be in limelight in future as well-because of Pakistan’s recognition of the 23-party conglomerate as the sole representative of Kashmiri masses. Pakistan needs the conglomerate in Kashmir and the conglomerate, too, cannot thrive on the scene without active support and sympathy of Pakistan. If New Delhi is not prepared to underrate the relevance and role of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), how can it dismiss the Hurriyat Conference as mere nuisance when taken into account the fact that the OIC has already recognised the Hurriyat with observer status there?

Chalking out Education for future

By Dr Vishiesh Verma

Indian education is about to undergo a transformation. A transformation which is brought about by a heady mix of technology and top end content. Ministry of Human Resources Development and University Grants Commission are out to take bold steps to implement the recommendations of Prime Minister's Task Force (Headed by Mukesh Ambani in 2000) to correct the existing skewed educational system. The Task force spells out 28 recommendations including various aspects of education like Primary education, secondary education, vocational training etc.

Privatising Higher Education

India today runs world's second largest education system with 242 Universities, 10,600 colleges, 7000 teacher education training colleges, 1100 polytechnics, 600 management institutions, 550 Engineering and technology colleges. Enrolled strength of students in higher education is 7.5 million and teachers number to 3.21 lakh, around 74,000 have been enrolled for research and nearly 10,000 are awarded with Ph.D every year.

Expenditure on education is second to defence. But 75 percent to 95 percent outlay to be spent on education is swallowed by the salaries of the teachers and non-teaching employees. In Mid March this year while addressing Indian Science Congress Prime Minister made a reference of increasing cost of higher education and inability of the Government to finance it.

The Task Force recommends total withdrawal of Govt. support to higher education and suggests to make it self financing or to be handed over to private sector. It also adds legislating a Bill to encourage establishment of new private universities in the field of Science Technology, management economics, financial management and other critical areas, with commercial applications. There is also a plan to delineate University Grants Commission's role as a Funding entity except in the areas as liberal and performing arts.

Dr Hari Goutam, UGC Chairman suggested (on 16.3.2001) that Universities in the country should be brought under UGC control. Such an arrangement would indeed help in bringing all the Universities in the country under single entity for the purpose of better administration and optimum use of available resources. On 28.2.2001 Finance Minister gave sufficient indications of the trends towards privatization of education, Cutbacks in higher education and introducing a scheme for loans for students.

More Funds promised but poor left out

Paying lip service to the importance of education the Finance Minister announced an increase in the allocations to the Ministry of Human Resources Development, but the following facts speak reverse to it. The total allocations for HRD Ministry stand at Rs. 7570 crores, an increase of Rs. 660 crore or 9.5 percent over the last year. Of this, the department of elementary education and literacy gets Rs. 4008 crore. The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan that was announced last year but is yet to be launched accounts for an increase of Rs. 150 crores with the total allocation to the scheme of Rs. 500 crore for the year.

The Department of secondary and higher education has been given Rs. 4414,73 crores a decrease from last year's allocation of Rs. 4650.38 crores while secondary education has shown a slight increase of Rs. 78.72 crore. University and higher education has been hit hardest with a cutback of Rs. 386.06 crores.

Making Curriculum uptodate

It has been observed that content and curriculum in higher education isn't in tune with the needs of the society. University Grants Commission has made it mandatory for all Universities to update the curriculum in various courses by next session (2001-2002) if they fail to do so they would invite punitive action by HRD Ministry in the form of cut in grants.

The Commission owned the responsibility to prepare model curriculum, engaged more than 400 experts from all over the country and formulated Curriculum Development Committees for 30 subjects. The dead line to prepare and despatch model curriculum to all the Universities was March 2001. No doubt Universities are free to adopt curriculum in toto or a modified version of it but they would need to communicate their decision to UGC.

The Plan to start New Courses

The University Grants Commission allows 35 Universities to set up Departments of Vedic Astrology (Joytish Vigyan). It also plans to introduce courses in Pourhitya at Graduate and Post Graduate levels. It is in keeping with every thing else in hi-tech era of ours that vedic priestly rituals should be learnt in a proper and scientific manner by those acting as intermediaries between God and mere mortals. It has been suspected for centuries that the friendly neighbourhood Pandit has been playing tricks on us, taking advantage of our ignorance of the ways of God and difficulty of Sanskrit language he rattles off whatever comes to his mind. Such regular courses of examination and study would eliminate the existing unsavoury comedy.

Accreditation and assessment has become compulsory for all the institutions of higher education. The universities are to be ranked on five point scale. The granting is to ran from outstanding to disqualified. To standardize and to infuse quality in higher education Govt. Funding in future would depend on evaluation and rank awarded by NAAC to Universities.

Curriculum changes at school level

The regular revision of school curriculum is globally accepted phenomenon. The Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) the largest board in the country has taken it up, on a war path basis the change in the curriculum. The contemporary issues and discoveries are displaying out-dated and irrelevant topic with view topics covering the information technology, space technology health related issues etc. It has been decided that curriculum should be reviewed every year. CBSE will introduce Defence studies in school curriculum from the year 2002. The National Cadet Crops (NCC) and Ministry of HRD were working on it. In the beginning the course would be available in only 50 schools like those of the Army and CRPF.

The new National Curriculum Framework for school education says, no student should be declared pass or fail till the secondary stage. Examination before class X must be replaced by school based continuous and comprehensive evaluation. A new grading system is to replace the existing system from the session 2002 onwards.

Indo-Malaysian relations in the whirlpool of politics of economics

By N.B.Menon

If Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had visited Malaysia and Japan, in early February as he was scheduled to, his welcome in Kuala Lumpur might have been different from the one he received this month. Mr Vajpayee had to cancel his foreign tour earlier in the year because of the devastating earthquake in Gujarat, and his visit to Malaysia was rescheduled for a few months later. However, in the intervening period, there was the Budget session of Parliament which made a few things regarding the import of edible oils into the country difficult.

While India and Malaysia are keen to strengthen their economic relations, there are two issues that had a bearing on this visit. In the past decade India has become a dialogue partner of ASEAN and a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum, where strategic issues are discussed. New Delhi has been keen on a closer engagement with the ASEAN region, and has sought an ASEAN-India summit. ASEAN has a regular summit with other Asian countries like China, Japan and South Korea. It is a proposal that found some support within ASEAN with Singapore, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, its current chairman sponsoring the proposal during an informal meeting of ASEAN heads late last year.

However, Malaysia, the current country coordinator handling ASEAN's interaction with India, is not enthusiastic about a summit with India and has linked it with India's relationship with other SAARC countries. Malaysian Foreign Minister, Syed Hamid Albar, said that Malaysia would like India's engagement with ASEAN to act as a catalyst for improved relations between the countries of south Asia.

Malaysia has been closer to Pakistan for many years. It had advocated the UN resolutions as a means of resolving the Kashmir issue till some time back. It is now talking of a peaceful resolution of the issue, especially after the nuclear tests of 1998. Islamabad has applied for membership to the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IRO-ARC), the regional grouping of littoral states of the Indian Ocean. Its application has not been successful, since the IOR-ARC charter calls for non-discriminatory trade practices among its members and Islamabad is yet to extend normal trade ties to India. Malaysia supports Pakistan's entry into the Indian Ocean economic grouping as well as the ARF.

On the Malaysian side, the high import duties on palm oil in India has become a politically important issue for Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohammad, as lower exports affect a large number of Malay farmers . India is the largest importer of palm oil from Malaysia. The high import duties imposed on palm oil in India, about 75 per cent on crude oil and 85 per cent on refined palm oil, has affected Malaysian exports. The Mahathir Government was keen that the duties be reduced, especially when Indian imports of soybean oil attract a much lower rate of duty. However, the edible oil producers in India have faced the brunt of cheap oil imports, as consumers have turned from the use of traditional mustard oil or coconut oil in their cooking to the cheaper oils available in the market. Pressure from domestic producers especially in Kerala resulted in a hike in the imports duties.

New Delhi was willing to concede the Malaysian request as a special bilateral concession by lowering the duties by at least 10 per cent during the visit. But Dr. Mahathir Mohammed's caustic comments at various occasions riled the Indian side to the extent that Prime Minister Vajpayee merely agreed to "review" the import duties on Malaysian palm oil.

In his two decades in power, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad has generally chosen to speak his mind. He has openly feuded with his foes in the country, challenged the West for its policies and its approach to Islam, and has had loud diplomatic spats with Singapore, Britain, Australia and Thailand as well as international institutions like the World Bank and the IMF. The Malaysian Prime minister is not too enamoured by the concept of a liberal democracy, so he does not think too highly of the noisy, rambunctious Indian democracy, especially when it cannot get its act together on its economic policies. Economic development is the high note of the Malaysian miracle, even as its leader keeps a tight rein on the politics of his country. The skyline of Kuala Lumpur shows the effect of economic development in the country; Malaysia is the only Asian Tiger that was able to ride out the Asian economic crisis.

Prime Minister Mahathir sees the Indian economic reforms and liberalization policies as chaotic. This impression accounts for the tenor of his banquet speech, where he said that India's desire to be counted amongst the leading nations of Asia is a legitimate aspiration for a country "that is statistically regarded as one of the fastest growing economies of today." The Malaysian leader went on to add: "We trust and hope India will stay committed to the process of peaceful negotiations in the settlement of conflicts in the region." These remarks irked the India side, especially when taken with Malaysia's consistent efforts to block any closer Indian interaction with ASEAN. Prime Minister Mahathir, however, welcomed Mr. Vajpayee's statement that India "respects the status of South-East Asia as a nuclear weapons free zone and as a nuclear power state, we are willing to convert this recognition into a de jure commitment."

During his separate meeting with Dr. Mahathir, Mr. Vajpayee had raised the subject of racially motivated violence a couple of months ago in a Kuala Lumpur suburb in which people of Indian origin were targeted. Five persons had been killed in the ethnic violence, including three Malaysian Indians. Dr Mahathir told Mr. Vajpayee that it was an isolated incident. Dr. Mahathir may not have liked this reference to what is considered an internal matter, but it is a matter of concern to New Delhi if people of Indian origin are maltreated in any part of the world only because of their race. Indians form about nine per cent of the Malaysian population.

The trade and investment prospects between India and Malaysia are immense, which is why a 75-member India-Malaysia Business Forum meeting. There were several economic tie-ups and a total of 14 MOUs were signed during the visit, both in the private and public sector in areas such as healthcare, construction, space technology and IT. An agreement was signed between IRCON International and its Malaysian counterpart for the construction of a US $1.8 billion railway line in Malaysia. Bilateral trade between India and Malaysia is approximately US $2.23 billion, which is weighted in Malaysia's favour. Mr. Vajpayee announced a line of credit of US $50 million to Malaysia that is aimed at giving a push to the export of industrial goods from India to Malaysia.

High level visits help to remove some misconceptions and begin the process of resolving the variances in perceptions, even though political differences may persist in some areas. Economic relations can provide the impetus for better bilateral ties between the countries. INAV

Pakistan in poor light

By M A Haq

The Dawn', a leading Pakistani daily carried an article on 8th April, 2001 written by Mohd Waseem which analyzed why scholars abroad viewed Pakistan in poor light. In the treatise, the author observed that in various conferences organized all over the world, the participants were expressing a highly critical opinion. He was candid in admitting that the two prime reasons for such adverse views were extreme pursuit of religion and the role of the military in Pakistan, though a relative bankruptcy of social scientists was also attributed to the same.

The article dwells upon the fact that any conference pertaining to affairs in south Asia invariably discussed India and Pakistan. A comparison between the two countries during discussions and deliberations is unavoidable; and Pakistan automatically gets branded as a delinquent State, which separated from India to end-up destroying the constitutional culture developed by the British over a period spanning a century. A major drawback in the case of Pakistan, the article emphasized was that Pakistan dismisses participatory models of Government, given the militaristic tendencies among her ruling elite.

Mohd Waseem, in his article laments that it is a common practice by foreign analysts to pick out the ISI as the ultimate arbiter of politics in Pakistan. He asserts that the ISI is held responsible for political instability plaguing Pakistan for the last fifteen years. Subtle references are also made to the role of the infamous intelligence agency in events like putting together an anti-PPP coalition of parties called the IJI, led by Nawaz Sharif in 1988; seeking to undo elected Governments as the Midnight Jackals Operation against Benazir Bhutto in 1989; dismissal and installation of Governments in Afghanistan during the 1990s; and getting the anti-Nawaz Sharif faction of the PML elected to various office during the current year. Likewise, the military's vested interests behind efforts to take Pakistan away from democracy have also been indirectly highlighted.

The article takes note of the world opinion that the Pakistan Army displays a phenomenon of Bonapartism. However, the author also tends to justify for whatever reasons, ostensibly on grounds of compulsion that Pakistan has a bellicose neighbour in India and hence the priority of her policies are security first and democracy later. He is unable to respond to the basic observation raised by scholars across the world that such a practice cannot be permanent in nature. As a result of the foregoing, a positive profile of Pakistan cannot be projected, the author affirms.

A truth, which cannot be contested, is that politics of Islam in Pakistan has lent agony to the world media and intelligentsia alike; a poor projection of the country is thus justifiable. Activities of fundamentalist groups based in Pakistan and Afghanistan are a source of intense criticism throughout the world and belie Pakistan's claims of being a moderate Islamic State. Pakistan watchers are convinced that Pakistan is a sponsor of regional instability; her nexus with Taliban in Afghanistan and hordes of terrorist groups in Jammu and Kashmir, India require no proof today. Mohd Waseem is perhaps aware that all Pakistani diplomats and missions abroad are under great pressure brought about from the politely atmosphere in his country wherein hostility is a cardinal attribute. Unable to cope with such pressure, they are forced to project a military dictatorship or Pakistan's acquiescence to terrorist activities. The fact of the matter is that they have no other alternative but to undersell their country.

The people of India can read in between the lines. They fully understand the motives. Every resident of Jammu and Kashmir is aware of Pakistan's game plan. Pakistan's fixations which can well be regarded as ambitions cannot be allowed to persist so as to have an adverse effect on us. We need to be aware of the fact.

To summarize, it will not be out of place to share an anecdote. Apprehensive as he was, once Hitler went to a late night film show in disguise to see if Germans stood up to exalt him when he appeared on the screen. He was happy to see that they did, but he kept sitting. A countryman prodded him and quipped, "You idiot! We too feel like you, but it would be better for all of us if you stand up."

Mohd Waseem's assertions are perhaps the views of his countrymen. Kudos for making us wiser!

A big leap for India's space vent

By Radhakrishna Rao

Blasting off amidst thunderous roar and a thick pall of orange and white smoke, India's most powerful and prestigious space vehicle, the three stage GSLV (Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle) successfully accomplished its mission of orbiting a 1540 kg. GSAT-1 experimental communications satellite into orbit on the clear, sunny afternoon of April 18.

The flawless flight of 401-tonne heavy and 49 metre tall GSLV featuring many advances in launch vehicle technology, paved the way for India's joining the select galaxy of nations - USA, Russia, Japan, China and the European Space Agency -- capable of building and launching a cryogenic fuel driven space vehicle.

However, the most important objective of the GSLV mission is to enable India attain an independent capability for launching its multi-service domestic spacecraft in INSAT series. At the moment, the INSAT satellites weighing a little over two tonnes are launched at the head of the European Ariane booster from Guyana.

On another front, the successful flight of GSLV could also prompt India to enter the highly lucrative global market for communications satellites. Clearly and apparently, India will be in a position to offer GSLV service with a much lesser price tag vis-a-vis western space boosters of similar category. Right at the movement, the Ariane booster of the Paris based Arianespace, world's first space transportation company controls almost two thirds of the global market for launching communications satellites.

Significantly GSLV has helped India bridge a gulf in its space programme which was initiated with the launch of a nine kg sounding rocket from the fishing hamlet of Thumba on the outskirts of Thiruvananthapuram way back in November 1963. As pointed out by Dr K Kasturirangan, Chairman, Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) "GSLV's success will lead us to achieve self reliance in satellite launch technology."

In USA, which had tried to scuttle the development of GSLV though periodic high tech ban in the name of fighting nuclear and missile proliferation, there was a gruding acknowledgement of India's emergence as a space power of global standing.

Said one US official, "It is an indication that India has a a great deal of technical prowess. Very few countries in the world have such technical capability". In Moscow, A I Dunayev, Chief of the Russian Space outfit Glavkosmos which supplied Cryogenic Engine stages for the GSLV project remarked, "India has become one of the space powers of the world with this.

After a few more launches, India will soon be able to enter the arena of commercial launches with GSLV and it will have the cost advantage over other countries."

Right from the outset, the US dollars 300-million GSLV project launched in 1990 had faced a variety of hurdles --- ranging from US high tech export ban and cost overruns to schedule slippages and Russian ambivalance over the supply of appropriate Cryogenic Engine Technology.

With the objective of speeding up the development of GSLV way back in 1991, India had signed an agreement with Glavkosmos for the supply of a pair of Cryogenic stages along with the transfer of relevant technology for India to build its own Cryogenic Engine stages.

However, the break of the Soviet Union changed the ground reality and a politically impotent Russia was coerced into dropping the proposal for Cryogenic Engine technology transfer for India. The American argument was that this was violative of the so called Missile Technology Control Regime (MTC) to which Russia is a signatory.

And ultimately in 1993, the Indo-Russian deal was watered down to the supply of seven Cryogenic Engine stages without any technology transfer to India. In the process, India lost much of the time and Russia could deliver the first Cryogenic stage to India only in 1998.

Significantly, GSLV has also been tipped to be an option for launching India's proposed scientific mission to moon. Sources in ISRO say that GSLV can send a spacecraft of about 850-kg to 950 kg. As a flyby mission to moon or about 600-kg. Spacecraft to orbit the moon after incorporating a Trans Lunar Injection Stage of 3400 kg Propellant.

The First and second stages of GSLV are derived from India's highly successfuly Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV), a four stage rocket featuring alternate liquid and solid fuel stages. The first stage of GSLV caries 129-tonnes of solid fuel and has four strap-on boosters each with 40-tonnes liquid fuel attached to it. The second stage is a liquid propulsion system with a propellant loading of 37.5 tonne. The third upper Cryogenic stage of Russian origin has 12-tonne of Cryogenic fuel in the form of liquid Oxgen and liquid Hydrogen.

While the first few flights of GSLV will be performed with the help of the Russian supplied Cryogenic stages, subsequent GSLV flights will feature a fully Indian made Cryogenic booster. India's own Cryogenic Engine which will undergo a series of trials by the end of this year is expected for use by 2003.

It was a defective plumbing in one of the strap-on boosters leading to its underpreformance which ultimately resulted in the termination of the March 28 flight of GSLV flight. The replacement of this strap-on booster paved the way for the successful GSLV flight on April 18. "This was an exceptional mission. The whole mission went without any hitch. Separation of different stages of the vehicle and the injection of the experimental payload has taken place as per ISRO's plan" guipped Dr K Kasturirangan. Taking into account the need to launch future generation INSAT satellites that are projected to weigh in excess of 3.5 tonnes, ISRO has initiated work on the development of a heavy lift off version of GSLV. Named GSLV Mark III, this vehicle is being designed to launch a 4-tonne satellite payload into a geostationary transfer orbit.
(PTI Feature)