The J&K 'peace process' : Chasing the chimera

By K. P. S Gill & Ajai Sahni

Any permanent peace can only be created out of a process and perspective that is firmly rooted in the realities on the ground. The belief that good sense, good intentions and good men can, or will, eventually prevail over these lines in the face of the evidence of history.

An unrealistic pursuit of peace can only defer violence, and often magnifies it. The notion of 'peace at all costs' of self-destructive, and negotiations based on false premises and projections, and on unrealistic or divergent assessments of the realities on the ground, inevitably result in greater, escalation though they may produce a temporary and deceptive lull.

It is difficult to comprehend what precisely forces each incumbent regime in India to embrace the the political realism of appeasement', despite its manifest failures and the mounting evidence of chaos and violence that it yields. It is clear, however, that the present regime is yet to display the vision or the will to escape this disastrous propensity.

On the face of it, the present 'peace initiative' in Kashmir does not appear to be 'reality based' in any meaningful sense, or to have concrete strategic foundations. It is, by and large, in the nature of a 'fishing expedition': in the absence of a consistent or coherent policy to force a breakthrough in J&K-- and such a policy is entirely achievable- a random element has been introduced to destabilize established equations in the hope that it may set in motion a positive chain that could, in the uncertain future, produce desired results. This is not a plan; it is gamble. And it is destined to fail for many reasons.

The character of this initiative has, moreover, been substantially defined by factors extraneous to the conflict such as specific pressure for peace initiatives from the US.

The claim that the ' ceasefire' has resulted in a radical transformation of world opinion towards India and support for its policies on Kashmir, moreover, takes inordinate advantage of the ambiguities inherent in the situation. A positive trend in favour of the Indian position has been continuous since Pakistan's Kargil blunder, and is more a consequence of what is happening in that country-- and in the votex of anarchy to its west, in Afghanistan-- than of the sagacity or efficacy of India's policies in J&K. Pakistan has, indeed, repeatedly shot itself in the foot over the past two years, and this is the actual cause of the tide of world opinion turning against it.

Under the circumstances, the claim that India's 'ceasefire' declaration in Kashmir has resulted in radical transformation in international perceptions on the conflict in J&K and on Pakistan's role, has limited objective merit. There is, of course, no set of criteria or indices that can help to quantify such international impact. But there is, equally, no extraordinary evidence that the outcome would be significantly different had India followed a consistent and coherent counter-terrorism agenda in J&K, ensuring that the civilian population did not suffer inordinately, even as the state applied all necessary force to defeat the terrorists.

There are two major difficulties with a dialogue with any of these entities. The first of these relates to the impact on legitimate democratic groupings and activities in the State. Indeed, the release of the Hurriyat leaders from custody, and the first moves to initiate talks with them were specifically perceived as steps by the Centre to marginalize Farooq Abdullah's ruling National Conference, and the Chief Minister's 'fightback' through the 'autonomy demand' in June 2000 was essentially an effor to restore some balancd and reassert his political significance.

There is something absurd in accepting an organisation that has no democratic credentials and whose members are unashamed Pakistani proxies, as the 'sole representative' of the people of Kashmir in a negotiating process, and divesting the State's elected political leadership of its locus standi in the political process. The Hurriyat, moreover, explicitly derives its influence and legitimacy from the power of the terrorists' gun, though it may not openly engage in terrorist activities. To bring such an agency to the centrestage of the negotiations, and hence of the political process, is a repudiation of the fundamental principles of democracy, and a deep injury on the democratic forces in the State which have, for decades now, been the target of the militants' wrath.The second critical difficulty is the fundamental question of the principle involved in negotiating with terrorists and their front organizations, and in the effort to accommodate and appease the terrorist warlords operating out of Pakistan.

As Yossef Bodansky expresses it: A government committed to the safety and well being of its citizenry and an organization intentionally using the indiscriminate injuring of the same citizenry as a negotiations tactic do not speak the same language... Even if they seem to agree on certain procedures and accommodations, the difference between their respective positions is irreconcilable. There can be no common denominators or common grounds between terrorism and democracy.

This fundamental opposition is compounded by the 'demonstration effect' of successful terrorism. The leaders of terrorist groups must be dealt with as terrorists and criminals. To appease them is to reward terror. And if terrorism is rewarded in one theatre of conflict, it will be replicated in others. This impacts not only on Kashmir, but on the entire country, and indeed, on the world at large. This has been said before, but it bears repetition: a victory for terrorism anywhere in the world is a victory for terrorism everywhere. Terrorism in the world today is founded on the successes of terrorism in the late sixties and early seventies, when some terrorist leaders were transformed into world statesmen in West Asia.

The message communicated was: if you resort to those methods, you can become a world leader, you can carve out your own little nation, address the United Nations General Assembly, find a place, in history. Because some terrorist leaders in West Asia and Ireland have been given a place in the history of the world, every criminal ganglord thinks he can also become a world leader by murdering a few hundred or a few thousand people.

The world needs to consistently tell the ambitious and impatient groupings in various theatres of conflict that they must resolve their problems by peaceful and democratic means, and that if they resort to terrorism, irrespective of the validity or legitimacy of their cause, the world will stand against them, and will defeat them. On each occasion when a legitimate, democratically elected regime seeks to negotiate with terrorists or with their front organizations, it undermines the basic edifice and viability of the democratic order, not only in its own region, but across the world,

Pakistan has repeatedly insisted that Kashmir was the core issue between the two countries, and the greatest of the flawed premises of India's strategic perspective appears to be an implicit, uncritical and de facto acceptance of this claim and its concomitant agenda. Pakistan has been extraordinarily successful in projecting and marketing this notion, not only to the Indian establishment, but also to the world at large. It is this success that constitutes the source of the extraordinary pressures, both international and internal, on India to seek solutions through negotiations within the State and with Pakistan. It is the belief that since the 'core issue' is Kashmir, it can be dealt with locally, and can be 'resolved' through the various petty plots to cut up the State on communal lines that are current today-along the LoC, or along the Chenab, or by clubbing together Muslim majority districts, etc. and that, through this device, 'peace' can be purchased in perpetuity.

But the fact is that the core issue is not Kashmir. It never was. It is the fundamentalist ideology, and the 'two nation theory' that excludes the ways of life coexisting within a single political order. The core issue, consequently, goes to the very heart and basis of India's existence, as it does of irreducible conflict between democratic liberalism and a polity based on an exclusionary religious democratic liberalism and a polity based on an exclusionary religious absolutism. Those who think it can be resolved through negotiated territorial concessions with the aggressor deceive themselves no less than the Chamberlains and the Daladiers who sought to bribe Hitler into peace with similar concessions. Even to conceive of a 'settlement' on Kashmir on the basis of a communal trifurcation would be a monumental blunder, at par with the Partition of India that destroyed and disrupted millions of lives, but solved nothing.

While the dangers of the 'demonisation' of Islam have been widely noted, both by neutral scholars and by the apologists for extremist Islam, there is a neglect of an even more vicious process of the demonisation of all other Faiths and nations among the people of Islam, and even of Muslims who do not conform to the perverse vision of the 'fundamentalists'. There is a profound ideology of hatred that is being fervently propagated through the institutions of Islam, particularly the madrassas or religious schools and seminaries that are proliferating rapidly across South Asia, and it is winning many ardent converts.

This is, as already stated, still a small minority among South Asia's Muslims; but it is a vocal, armed, well supported, extremely violent and growing minority. The majority, by contrast, has tended to passivity and conciliation, and there is little present evidence of the courage of conviction or the will for any moderate Islamic resistance to the rampage of extremist Islam.

What we see is a strategy of encirclement and penetration that seeks indiscriminate destabilization throughout the South Asian region, and its visible source is in Pakistan, though its financial flows originate in West Asia. Within the paradigm of Kashmir as the 'core issue', it may be tempting, under the circumstances to explore the possibility of a permanent settlement with Pakistan, by which it makes firm commitments on the cessation of all such subversive activities throughout the region in exchange for territorial concessions. Once again, this would be a course of action based upon an complete failure of comprehension, both of the nature of the absolutist ideology of extremist Islam, and of the complex nature of the relationship between the Pakistani state and the terrorist groupings that currently act on its apparent bidding.

Enormous faith has been placed on the 'international community' by India in its hope that Pakistan will eventually yield to cumulative diplomatic pressure or to the economic burden of sanctions. But Pakistan can yield neither to economic imperatives, nor to international pressures, nor, indeed, can it stop at any limited concessions that it may secure through negotiations with India for its is no longer in control of the forces of extremism that it has created and nurtured. It may, however, eventually yield to chaos. And while this may not be desirable even from the Indian point of view, preventing such an eventuality cannot be the overriding concern for an Indian government.

Despite its economic strength, its political resilience, and its military might, despite the courage and sacrifices of its combined Security Forces, India, today, projects an image of utter fragility and vulnerability to the world as a result of the vacillation and weakness of its political leadership and its bureaucracy. The rhetoric of being a 'world leader', a 'great power' has dominated recent political oratory, but India's governments have not learned how to act even as governments of a principled democracy, leave alone a 'great power'. Can those who advocate negotiations with terrorists and their front organizations over Kashmir, even conceive of the US Government initiating similar 'negotiations' to arrive at a settlement on the 'issue' of the US military presence in Saudi Arabia ?

The meaning of democracy has been distorted beyond measure in India. The idea that everybody- including terrorists and mass murderers- must be 'accommodated' in the political process and kept happy within a democracy appears to be the thrust of the politics of 'consensus' that has been the unique product of a succession of corrupt and craven regimes. But one cannot strengthen the case for democracy by handing over this country. It is an extraordinarily difficult form of governance, and demands exceptional disciplined adherence to the rule of law, both on the part of the people and of governments. Freedom, in such a system, is not, as some would have us believe, a 'birth right'; it is something that has to be fought for and defended, something that nations earn and preserve through blood and sacrifice.

It is necessary now, if India is to survive, to abandon the whore's ethic of consensus and appeasement, to take on the burden of responsible and principled governance and to accept the inescapable fact that terrorism and the ideologies that inspire it will have to be defeated and that nothing is going to change unless it is demonstrated beyond a shadow of doubt that violence will not profit those who seek to use terror as an instrument of policy.
 PTI Feature

Traffic system in Jammu

By Shiv Kumar Sharma

When a person drives on Jammu roads amidst a flood of vehicles flowing on his right and left in front and behind he may recollect the forgotten English poet Milton who said in 'The paradise lost' "For me everything good is lost, so let evil be my good." Though there are men in blue standing in dozens here and there, normally in traffic is seen unabated. Those men in blue become alert only when a V.I.P. is to pass.

Left overtaking is more frequent and by such a common practice one feels as if right overtaking on Indian roads is going to be a wrong practice.

Mini buses with high pitch tape recorders, cars with tinted glasses, two wheelers with riders without helmets, buses and mini buses loaded with passangers much beyond their capacity are the most common things to see.

The perennial flow of vehicles and the absence of traffic lights and the negligent traffic cops at the main places have made the movement of foot walkers difficult and hazardous. These poor people, some of them with luggage on their heads have to wait for minute together to find opportunity to cross the road. Neither the people drunk of vanity and wealth driving their vehicles nor the handsome men adorned in their blue nor the Government takes pity on these poor helpless passers by. Ofcourse traffic on city roads is smartly regulated for one week in a year. Even the school students are involved, lectures are arranged in schools and then finally every good practice that was adopted during the week is bidden adieu on the closing day of the traffic week. Then as the people return to their homes, old bad traffic habits also return to their places.

Suggestions to improve the traffic system in Jammu:

c The main Bus Stand located in city at B C Road be shifted to a place outside the city. Instead of one stand there should be three bus stands. One of them should be located around Satwari. It should cater to running buses for the routes for which the vehicle pass through Satwari.

c The other Bus Stand should be located around the road between Shakti Nagar and Talab Tillo. This stand will run the buses for the route beyond Muthi and Talab Tillo. The third Bus Stand should be built in the Ramnagar forest and this stand will be meant for the buses running beyond Nagrota i.e. Udhampur, Doda, Kishtwar, Kashmir etc.

c The second bridge at the Tawi near Jogi Gate which is under construction should immediately be got completed and be linked with Railway Station, Gandhi Nagar, Shastri Nagar etc.

c Some mini buses starting from Panjtirthi be put on the route of the circular road and the mohallas like Pacci Dhakki, Julahka Mohalla and Mastgarh will feed this route as the residents of these Mohallas instead of catching mini buses from Kachi Chowni and Parade will find it easier to catch them from the the circular road. More over the development of this route will reduce traffic load on Kachi Chowni, Parade and Shalamar.

c The Court Complex of Janipur which is under completion be got completed immediately and all the courts which are at present functioning at Mubarik Mandi be shifted at once. The sooner it is done the better it will be. Such a step will serve two important purposes. One, that the traffic congestion at Panjtirthi, Mubarik Mandi and Dhountly Bazar will decrease and the second benefit will be, that the life hazard in case of a blast will also reduce.

c Long route buses running between Katra/Udhampur and the cities of Punjab and Haryana be put on bye-pass road i.e. via Batra Hospital road.

c At present the route of New Plots Janipur etc. is heavily burdened, so an alternate road through Ramnagar forest be built. This road will help in taking over the extra burden of the traffic leading to High Court Complex.

c A survey linking Jain Bazar with the circular road Tawi side through a link road which has been constructed upto Govt High School Julahka Mohalla, only has been abandoned for want of funds. If this road is taken up and constructed, it will take over partly the traffic load of the Old city especially meant for Trans - Tawi areas. Moreover it will reduce the load at Kachi Chowni, Parade and Shalimar areas.

c Besides, this link which has been leftover at Govt High School (Boys) Julahka Mohalla can be connected with old secretariat (Mubarik Mandi). This device will also provide an alternate route of old secretariat vehicles towards the circular road and the congestion of traffic at Panjtirthi, Chowk Chabutra and Dhounthly Bazar will be cut down to a great extent. Thus the Complex of Mubarik Mandi (old secretariat) and a beautiful legacy left behind by our great rulers will have a sigh of relief.

c Taking pity on the poor foot walkers and considering them as important citizens of India, old crossings/bridges for foot walkers should be constructed at Kachi Chowni, Parade, Shalamar, Gumat, Vikram Chowk and on the road outside Abhinav Theatre. Traffic lights be got fited at main road crossings.

c Law enforcement machinery which is meant to regulate traffic must be heart searching and see for itself with a deep pick to its conscience, as to what type of service they are rendering to society. Besides these steps the Department should take measures to educate the driving people and make them conscious of their duties.

c The traffic week's activity and creativity should be made a regular feature through out the year.

c High ranking officers of the Police as well as the Traffic Department should arrange lectures and seminars in schools and colleges, because today's students, are tomorrow's drivers.

c Public functions should be held at public places. The prominent citizens including political leaders as well as people from education should be involved in addressing the common people and convincing them about the importance of traffic in daily life and hazards of wrong driving. The common people especially the teenagers should be educated about the nuisance of wrong parking and wrong blowing of hours.

c Radio and Television (SITI) discussions pertaining to traffic should be arranged periodically on regular basis.

c Senior officers also should spare time to see the work being done by the blue force. Therefore such a practice will decidedly help in alleviating the heavy and difficult task like control of traffic.