EDITORIAL
CULTURE DICTATORS
Slowly, the forces of
extreme Right are making a bid to capture new areas of
intellectual activity. They are trying to assert their
dominance over the field of culture. From banning books
to preventing the shooting of films to attacks artists
and their work, the Hindutva brigade is trying hard to
regiment thought and confine the countrys culture
within the narrow walls of its Hindutva ideology. The
increased militancy demonstrated by the constituents of
the Sangh Parivar hitherto has sent a clear message to
the non-Hindu sections of society that all intellectual,
political and cultural activities must secure the
approval of the self-appointed custodians of Indian
tradition and heritage. If the Vajpayee Government unable
to free itself from the stranglehold of the RSS? Is it
powerless to prevent the latter from pursuing its now not
so hidden agenda? The BJP is abetting the fanatic
elements of the Sangh Parivar in implementing a divisive
and sectarian agenda. Union Minister for Human Resources
Development (HRD), Murli Manohar Joshi, first tried to
saffronise education. He is now attempting to re-write
history. The Congress and other non-BJP formations are on
a strong wicket in accusing the HRD Ministry of rehashing
the political history of the country in accordance with
the Hindutva concept. Soon after assuming charge of his
Ministry in the first phase of the NDA Government, Joshi
changed the composition of the Indian Council of
Historical Research (ICHR) and replaced the socalled
Left-leaning,liberal members with Sangh Parivar
loyalists. Taking his strategy of creating a
fundamentalist India a step further, he ordered the
suspension of publication of two books on Indian history
by Prof. KN Panikkar and Prof. Sumit Sarkar. The two
books were part of the "Towards Freedom" series
sponsored by the ICHR with Prof. S Gopal as its general
editor, to give an overview of the British rule leading
to the Partition and Independence. The project had been
in existence for more than 20 years and no one had
questioned the choice of the historians involved in it or
the theme for their labours. Three former ICHR chairmen,
Prof. Irfan Habib, Prof. RS Sharma and Prof. Ravinder
Kumar, all distinguished scholars, had noted that the
decision to suspend the publication was "part of a
plan to spread a distorted and fictitious history of the
national movement". Not long ago, a statement signed
by more than 30 academics said: "As citizens and
historians, we strongly deplore this action and call upon
all concerned, including Parliament, to ensure the
publication of the two volumes expeditiously and without
any censorship". Indeed, it was intriguing why the
reconstituted ICHR should hasten to put out of
circulation a version of history which had not even seen
the light of the day. There are large number of
historians in the country who can be depended on to
challenge the versions of the two authors if they were
found motivated, slanted or partisan. Democracy rests on
free discourse and exchange of intellectual thought.
Attempts to suppress culture and freedom of thought and
expression is the surest way of leading the country
towards intolerance and bigotry. And at a time when the
differences between Hindus and Muslims in some parts of
the country seem to have widened, the NCERT (National
Council for Educational Research and Training) has been
caught in a storm. This, it seems, has followed the
NCERTs reported decision to remove from the
curriculum at the higher secondary level certain
textbooks on history. And, alas, the word has gone out
that the NCERT also intends to do away with history as a
subject at that level and, instead, make it part of an
integrated corpus of social sciences. The objective is to
reduce the curriculum load and make it relevant and
effective. These objectives were spelt out in the
NCERTs National Curriculum Framework for School
Education, which itself was criticised for its poor
academic content and tendency to push the curriculum in a
certain direction. The moves of the NCERT and the HRD
Ministry, critics of the Hindutva forces point out, fall
into a pattern that has become familiar since the NDA
Government led by BJP assumed office. The University
Grants Commissions recent move to approve and
allocate funds for regular university-level courses in
Vedic Astrology had only recently triggered widespread
criticism. HRD Minister, Joshi, is tight-lipped. But
reports are doing the rounds that while the move to do
away with history as a separate subject at the higher
secondary level is likely to come into effect from the
next academic session in a phased manner, the textbooks
that are sought to be removed are authored by eminent
historians such as Romila Thapar, RS Sharma, Satish
Chandra and Bipan Chandra.
UNFLATTERING STATUS
The US action, which has
placed India on the Special-301 priority watch
list for intellectual property
protection, has not set the river Yamuna in Delhi
on fire. Reason: This is not the first time India is
being accorded this unflattering status. At the same
time, the Americans require to be appreciated. India has
also been taken off such lists when they have felt that
the need for conferment of such status has ended. The US
Trade Representatives report, though an annual
exercise, focuses on intellectual property issues. The
Super-301 report also deals with trade aspects and, in
particular, significant trade barriers that the US
administration is "closely monitoring". And
India also figures in this report. The specific issue, as
for the Special-301 action, is the
"insufficient" term of protection for patents.
This issue is being tackled in the new patents law that
is yet to be passed by Parliament. There is no denying
that progress on this front has been irritatingly slow.
This, unfortunately, has been interpreted by most
developed countries as a basic unwillingness to go
through with the legislation. The truth is that despite a
WTO-induced sincerity in getting through with the
legislation, unforeseen political impediments such as the
rise and fall of successive coalition Governments have
slowed progress. As for the Super-301 reference to the
monitoring of the auto-sector problem and the customs
valuation practices, the first issue is being examined by
the WTO disputes settlement body, while the second is
actually a problem meant for the WTO because, among other
things, US Trade Representative (USTR) itself cites the
WTO customs valuation agreement as stipulating something
else. Thus the Government of India has no special reason
to feel concerned about being included in the latest
annual US Trade Representative exercise. The WTO regime
was introduced in the mid-90s. There is even less
cause for concern now because of the imperative of
referring to Geneva all such disputes and potential
disputes detailed in the USTR report. Washington requires
to be told that it is time the US domestic law itself was
changed to keep pace with developments at the
multilateral level. This issue, in fact, has already
figured in disputes before the WTO. "As India
reforms its economy and taps its great potential, we
should explore ways to achieve mutual benefits",
says the USTR report. This is precisely what is required
for the development of healthy trade relations between
the two largest democracies. The report, while singing
praises for free trade, says that the US and all nations
"will need to be more adroit in aligning trade with
our values". And what are these values? The report
says: "Responding to concerns that trade undermines
environmental protection and labour standards-while not
permitting these issued to be used for protectionist
ends".
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Land
of many contradictions
Men, Matters, Memories
By M L
Kotru
India has
variously been described as a sleeping
giant, functioning anarchy, a country
which made an atheistic Soviet leader
loudly wonder that there must after all
be a God to hold this land of many
contradictions-multilingual,
multicultural and multiracial-together.
To most Indians, unknown to them, these
are realities they have taken for granted
and lived with. They will hark back to
5000 years and more and tell you how at
different times, under different rulers,
native and foreign, and how in the
post-independence years have managed to
stand together as one whenever the
nation's security has been threatened.
Each one
of these assumptions, enigmatically, is
always passed on as the truth. Sleeping
giant, yes. Functioning anarchy, very
much so (remember the chaos of the just
concluded Parliament session). Full of
contradictions and self righteousness,
very much so. But what should cause worry
to us is that the image of the sleeping
giant seems to be overshadowing all other
attributes, even when they may not be
altogether complimentary. Take the case
of the recent killing of 16 jawans of the
Border Security Force by Bangladeshis,
never mind whether the killers belonged
to the Bangladesh Security Forces or were
plain villagers. The truth is that 16
jawans were killed, their bodies
mutilated and returned only after India's
sense of outrage became too difficult to
contain. It took Dhaka more than two days
to regret the killings and the
mutilations. And two days after that we
have the country's Foreign Ministry
telling the world that it was the BSF
jawans who had ventured into what he
called Bangladesh territory.
In other
words the Bangladesh Foreign office now
wants us to believe that any future
intrusion of the ill-defined, unmarked
boundry will always be rebutted not just
with force; brutality will be a part of
the deal.
It
obviously does not make much sense to
Dhaka's top diplomat that the villages
into which the BSF men are said to have
'tresspassed" are back in Indian
hands and under Indian control as they
had been ever since the birth of
Bangladesh. The sacrifices made by Indian
people and the Indian Army to make the
birth of Bangladesh possible in 1971 is
all but forgotten.
That
Bangladeshi politicians may have their
own compulsions to be seen as anti-Indian
just prior to the elections in that
ocuntry is another matter. To them India
bashing is just a handy tool. That being
so, how exactly is the sleeping giant
expected to respond. Turn the other
cheek? Let 16 jawans be killed, their
bodies mutilated against all norms of
international law, and assure Dhaka that
we do understand its compulsions. Of
course, our Foreign Office must and did
protest the killings of Hasina Wajid did
express her regret. Obviously New Delhi
and Dhaka agreed that they must let this
one pass. As they have done in the past,
even when various terrorist outfits
operating in the North East have operated
from bases in Bangladesh. Dhaka is free
even to harbour some of the known Indian
absconders. That's the price we must pay
for being deemed a good neighbour!
In the
case of the brutal murder of BSF men the
earlier fig leaf of their having been
surrounded by over 1000 angry Bangladesh
villagers and lynched, as it were by the
mob has now been shed with the Foreign
Ministry saying that they were killed in
an encounter in which the BDR lost three
of its men. Repeated requests in the past
to the Bangladesh Government to drive out
the North East terrorist from its
territory have gone virtually unheeded.
Nor has Dhaka really paid any heed to
Indian concern over ISI activities along
the India-Bangladesh border. The message
obviously is that the sleeping giant must
continue to sleep.
In nearby
Nepal anti-Indian riots are arranged, as
if on cue, over a statement which an
Indian film star says he never made. The
riots continue for days. The Nepalese
Government looks on helplessly ignoring
protests by the star and Indian
Government spokesmen. Then one day it is
discovered that the statement had been
"manufactured" by a
Kathmandu-based cable operator who
obviously is in cahoots with Pakistani
agents. A Pakistani diplomat is
identified as one of the possible men
linked to the hijacking of an Indian
Airlines plane from Kathmandu to Kandhar
via Pakistan 18 months ago. More than a
year after the event the diplomat is
caught red-handed in Kathmandu with huge
quantities of RDX and we are now told
that he had links not only with Pakistani
terrorists operating in Jammu and Kashmir
but also with Maoists playing havoc in
Nepal itself. Questions are asked about
the rash of the unusually large number of
Kashmir's business that have sprung up in
Kathmandu during the past five or six
years -- transit points for narco-traffic
and financing of militant outfits in
Kashmir -- but the Nepalese authorities
will not hear about it. India is trying
to act the big bully, we are told.
That
Bangladeshis have slipped into the Terai
region of Nepal in droves is causing
little concern even when Nepalese
demographers point to more than hundred
percent increase inthe Muslim population
of the country, from the previous five
percent to the present 11 per cent of the
total Nepalese population. That even
larger numbers of illegal Bangladeshi
migrants have settled down in various
parts of India is a different matter
altogether and as history tells us they
will soon be assimilated in the great
Indian melting pot.
Sri Lanka
has its own bone to pick with us. Several
hundred Indian officers and Jawans may
have died in pusuit of an idle dream
dreamt by Rajiv Gandhi and Jayawerdene,
the late Sri Lankan President, but for
some reason the image persists that the
Indian Peace Keeping Force had forced its
way into that country. Nobody seems to
remember that the Force was assigned to
Sri Lanka at the Lankans' request. People
even tend to forget that Rajiv was killed
by LTTE activists who saw him as an enemy
after the IPKF went into Sri Lanka. Even
in off shore Maldives Indian Navy was
requested to show its flag to put down
brewing dissidence there which it did but
President Gayoon for some reason is not
always happy with us.
Pakistan
is, of course, a different kettle of
fish. Its obsession with Kashmir has not
allowed it, ever since its birth 53 years
ago, to think in terms of building up a
good neighbourly relationship. Like other
neighbouring countries it also holds
India's size against her, never ceasing
to build up the image of India as a big,
belligerent bully, wanting to establish
its hegemony over the region. Kashmir has
remained a raging symbol of this
obsession. In succession it has played
the Americans (CENTO, SEATO Pacts)
against India, used the Islamic card,
offered to play (for a price) second
fiddle to China in the latter's pursuit
of its own objectives in the region. To
propitiate the Chinese, Pakistan even
ceded a vast tract in Jammu and Kashmir
to Beijing.
In the
overall context while it is good to find
External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh
building bridges of understanding with
Washington, Iran and some other Muslim
countries some thought needs to be given
to shaking off the persisting image of
"a sleeping giant", "a
functioning anarchy". It's time to
take foreign policy initiatives within
the region itself if only to restore a
semblance of reality to things as they
stand in the region. India may have
succeeded in part to disabuse the
American mind of its tendency to equate
India and Pakistan whenever it comes to
US concerns in the region. But for her
own good, New Delhi must adopt a more
pro-active and realistic foreign policy
posture in its relations with its
immediate neighbours. SAARC is the most
obvious forum for this kind of activity
but for that to be effective New Delhi
will first have to catch the Pakistani
bull by the horn. If Kashmir is really
the bone of contention there is no point
in not talking to Pakistan directly and
offering it a way out of the tangle. The
Pant initiative in Jammu and Kashmir, I
am afraid, does not look very promising.
By offering a way out I am not suggesting
offering Kashmir to Pakistan on a platter
but to ask it to discuss the issue
realistically taking the ground realities
in the region and globally into
consideration. An "Islamic"
solution is not on the cards, it should
be clearly stated.
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Say,
who did lose this newest election
?...............
Yours
Randomly
By Dr R L
Bhat
A story is
told of an American who on his way to
vote was offered five dollars by a
Democrat to vote for his party. A little
distance ahead, a Republican accosted him
offering ten dollars to vote for
Republicans. Asked who did he finally
vote for and why, the sagely voter
replied that he had chosen the latter for
being less corrupt. The Indian voters,
who went to vote this Thursday, do not
have the consolation of even this
specious distinction between the two
leading contenders for.. the political
spoils. Yes it is a straightforward
contest for power there, in which
ideology is only a pale excuse to forge
compromises of convenience. If the
Congress-Java-TMC alliance in Tamil Nadu
strains the limits of credibility, the
BJP-AGP get together in Assam puts policy
and perspective right upon its head. Out
in West Bengal, the contemporary history
is putting forth its most farcical show
with Mamta playing the ball with the
Congress and the TNC chairman dancing the
dais with Vajpayee.
If the
Congress during its long years in power
had proved itself a master of political
subterfuge, the BJP in two short stints
has almost equaled that record in deceit
and dalliance. It is not just that the
party that threatened to take the issue
of Bangladeshi to streets is now talking
of regularizing those tendentious stays
with legitimate work-permits, or that it
is busy attempting to out-scandal the
grand old party of India with scams in
every deportment of governance, or that
it has proved as clay-footed as its bete
noire Congress was whether in dealing
with terrorism or direct challenges to
the Indian sovereignty. More than that,
it is the ease with which the BJP has
slipped into the shoddy shoes that were
worn by the Congress over its long
trampling of the Indian hope and promise.
Whether it is the dalals of defense
contracts as shown by the tehelka
episode, or the rutted bureaucracy in
which the BJP rule has got firmly and by
choice mired, or the gangs of power
brokers who appear to be ruling the
roost. The 'party with a difference' has
become comfortably cozy with all that was
rotten in the Congress rule. Without any
indication of discomfort or diffidence.
So, what is there for the voter to elect,
to choose, or to defeat?
Little.
Very little. Nothing. Perhaps the
subtlety should have become evident much
earlier. Even in those 'revolutionary
days' of 1977, ideological antagonists
BJP and the leftists had joined hands
through tenuous spreads of socialists,
Lohiaites, Gandhians.. all, to foist the
Janata deception upon the people. Ten
years later, after rounds of bickerings
and breakings, these natural antagonists
again rallied together behind V P Singh.
Only to break and bounce away, again. The
last decade of the present century was a
thunderous study in penchant of the
Indian political outfits for compromise,
with scant regard for stands, policies or
ideological planks. Over these years, the
burgiose and the proletariat, the
industry-wallahs and the mazdoor-touter,
the liberal and the conservative, the
democrat and the obscurantist, the modern
and the orthodox.. all, have coupled
together in attempts to produce a.. any
possible claimant for office. With dozens
of one-man, one-woman shows thrown in to
fill in the numbers. For numbers alone
matter in this game, there. The magic
numbers have been arrayed. And how !
Conjure up any permutation and it
combined to lap up power, think of any
probability and it came to be to share
the spoils, deem of any possibility and
it materialized to eat away the cake
called India.
That is
the legacy the new millennium has become
heir to. And, a true offspring it
continues to follow the example in bland,
blatant display. So what does the
Keralite voter have to look forward to,
in this newest election apart from a
replay of the spectacle he has been
witnessing for over two decades now? It
is the same songsters running to the same
music, moving around the very same chairs
they have been befouling for decades by
turns. In Tamil Nadu, there are the same
gangs in new regroupings, one promoting
the self, another the sun, and others
their petty personas as the promises of
the millennium. Add Aurobindo's
Pondicherry and there you have the
elitest of the Indian states and voters
driven to a tomfoolery in the name of
popular choice. In Assam, all
pre-election foes are friends and earlier
friends foes, in new configurations to
fool the people, rather to openly. All
believing, rather too knowingly, it is in
the west Bengal of the barest farce that
at least a new ray is coming up. Though
even before its hope could show, the
image has soured with the signs of the
same rancidity that saw one time stalwart
champions become shoddy schemesters. Yes,
nothing to choose there; nothing to win.
Save, of course, the new leases to old
agendas, new avenues for the old
opportunists. Inevitably, one of these
calculations would get through. And hail
its manipulation as the newest victory of
the 'people of India'. There would begin
yet another round of the history,
replaying the farces it turns its
tragedies into. India that would be
roundly beaten in this round would go
lauding its winners! But isn't it the
original sin reporting back? In the
apocryphal American anecdote isn't the
voter who goes about pocketing fivers and
tenners without a a compunction, and gets
presumptuous enough to pass loaded moral
judgements, the most corrupt of all? The
real culprit? The real loser, too!
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MEN
AND MATTERS
Pak helping
Myanmar militarily
From B L Kak
A serious
situation has been allowed by Islamabad, in an
apparent bid to irritate New Delhi and watch its
next move in a country in its neighbourhood,
namely, Myanmar. Pakistan has, at last, created
its base in Myanmar, thereby posing a piquant
problem for the powers-that-be in New Delhi.
The cat is out of
the bag. Pakistan, classified intelligence inputs
have established, has so far trained a large
number of Myanmarese officers in anti-submarine
warfare. And Islamabad has held out an assurance
to Myanmar that the latter would continue to be
helped militarily by the former in several ways.
Originally a part
of British India, Union of Myanmar (Burma till
May 1989) located between South and South-East
Asia, on Bay of Bengal, became an independent
country on January 4, 1948. Gen. Ne Win who ruled
Burma with an iron hand for 26 years was forced
out in popular uprising in mid-1988.
The Armed Forces
set up a State Law and Order Restoration Council
(SLORC). In June 1990, in the first free
elections in 30 years, the National League for
Democracy won by a big majority but the army was
reluctant to hand over power. The ruling junta
has been promising a new Constitution for nearly
seven years now but nothing concrete has emerged.
Myanmar joined the
regional group BISTEC (Bangladesh, India, Sri
Lanka, Thailand Economic Cooperation) in July
1997, which then became BIMSTEC. In July 1997,
ASEAN admitted Myanmar as a member.
A new change, a
new mood, a new expectation, a new turn, a new
twist became evident during the visit to Myanmar
by Pakistans military ruler, Gen. Parvez
Musharraf. And New Delhi could not be faulted
when it saw it as an attempt to open a third
front by Pakistan. Pakistan is already creating
trouble for India from Bangladesh and Nepal. And
now Islamabad has intensified overtures towards
Myanmar.
The accent of the
Musharraf visit was on expanding the military
cooperation with Myanmar. Pakistan also offered
its expertise in the agriculture sector to
Yangon. New Delhi, at the same time, has reasons
to expect Myanmar to show sensitivity to
Indias security concerns.
India, it is
argued, would resent either China or Pakistan to
meddle in an area west of the Chindwin river, a
key tributary of the legendary Irrawady. That
would mean exposing Indias troubled
northeast, especially Nagaland, to external
forces. Within days of the maiden visit to
Myanmar by Gen. Musharraf, Pakistani warships
were found concluding a visit to Yangon.
Pakistan, in fact, posted three naval ships in
Myanmarese waters. They include a destroyer Tipu
Sultan, a tanker Mobin and a submarine
Shushank. This phenomenon was allowed
despite Myanmars assurance to New Delhi
that they would have no foreign naval ships in
their ports.
Before the
Pakistani vessels entered Myanmarese waters, a
Chinese submarine had been stationed in Myanmar
and a high-powered Chinese delegation made a
2-day visit to Myanmar on April 25. Chinese are
said to have encouraged the Pakistanis to go
ahead with the docking of the vessels.
It is argued by
some quarters in India that the visit should be
looked at politically and not in isolation. One
view that is being expressed is that Pakistan,
through the ship visit, has sent a signal to
India of its intent to influence its eastern
neighbourhood.
Pakistan has,
ever since the emergence of the Sheikh Hasina
Government in Bangladesh, looked for a toe- hold
along Indias eastern neighbourhood. Not
surprisingly, it has made a concerted effort to
cultivate Myanmar, a country with which its
"all weather" friend China has close
ties. Pakistan has supplied to Myanmar
arms and ammunition worth 2.5 million dollars in
march-April 1999 and two of its delegations
visited Coco Islands in 1997-98.
Authorities in
Myanmar are consciously playing a game of
politics vis-à-vis India. Myanmar needs India to
counter Western sanctions. The country has only
28 export destinations. And India is a major
buyer of Myanmarese products. This apart, India
also gave a loan of 10 million dollars to Myanmar
in 1997. This was followed up with another loan
of 25 million dollars.
Recently, Rs 100
crore were given for a road project from Mora to
Kalimu. Projects worth 300 million dollars are
also in the pipeline. Why then this shift towards
Pakistan? The shift is not sudden, considering
the fact that Islamabad has been trying to win
over Myanmar for the last more than four years.
According to
one account, Pakistan has, since 1996, covertly
been building madrasas and
collecting donations for religious groups like
Tabliq Jamaat in Myanmar. The Government of
Indias worry has a basis. It is generally
felt by official circles that if Myanmar starts
supporting Pakistan trained military groups and
offers training bases for them, the situation in
the north-east region of India could worsen.
It is not unknown
that entry into Nagaland and Manipur is not
difficult from Myanmar because of the porous
borders. A surveillance radar at Coco Islands
monitors Indias missile tests at Balasore.
New Delhi is not to blame for treating as
unacceptable Pakistani access to the strategic
Coco Islands.
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The
Jehad factory and Indo-US relations
By Fazal Mahmood
The US seems
interested in improving relations with us and
moving towards some kind of strategic
understanding. This may partly be because the
Bush team comprises Cold War warriors, for whom
China has replaced the former Soviet Union as the
major threat. The second factor could be the fear
of Islamic fundamentalism coming from the
Pakistan-Taliban nexus. The message conveyed to
the Indian Foreign minister was that the US would
no longer equate India with Pakistan, and would
deal with each country separately on the merits
of the issue. There was no pressure or insistence
for a dialogue with Pakistan, or for settlement
of the Kashmir issue. CTBI is also no longer a
priority with the Bush Administration. Jaswant
Singh's ability to strike up personal rapport may
again become a positive factor.
The threat to
global peace and security, particularly to
liberal democratic societies like India and
United States from the growing menace of
trans-national terrorism is one of the major
convergence that has brought to two countries
together in the post cold was period.
Indicatively, the recently released report on
"Patterns of Global Terrorism 2000" by
the US Department of State has reconfirmed
"the trend of terrorism shifting from the
Middle East to South Asia." Pakistan has
come in for scathing criticism in the report for
its "increasing support to the Taliban"
and for allowing Kashmiri insurgent groups
including the largest of them all, the
Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mahammed (JeM), along
the with the Harkat ul-Mujahideen (HuM), a
designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO)
to "operate in Pakistan, raise funds and
recruit new cadres."
Moreover, "by
providing the Talibal with material, fuel,
funding, technical assistance and military
advisers" Pakistan has been indicated for
undermining the UN Security Council resolution
1333, which demands that members states
"observe an arms embargo against the Taliban
that includes a prohibition against providing
military weapons, training and advice"
The recognition of
these stark realities has given some hope that
the ongoing destabilization efforts by the
"Afghan alumni" in South Asia, will be
bilaterally confronted with renewed vigour. In
effect, it would require a systematic, well
thought out, coordinated international
cooperation to halt this growing threat.
Obviously, India and the US, the two proclaimed
targets of the "Afghan alumni", have a
greater stake in coordinating efforts against
them.
In this light, the
recently released report on "Patterns of
Global Terrorism 2000", has been seen as a
positive trend. At the same time, the
overwhelming legalistic framework of the report
by which many of the destructive terrorist
organizations like Lashkar-e-Toiba and
Jaish-e-Mohammed (JEM) have been let off has
disappointed many in India. Further, by
indicating Pakistan but not taking the logical
step of putting it on notice, the limitation and
the inherent dilemma in the battle against state
sponsored terrorism has been exposed. Has the US
administration fallen below our expectations or
were the Indian expectations unrealistically
framed?
Historically, both
India and the US have faced the threat of
terrorism. However, the cold war divide between
them did not provide any realistic frame work for
cooperation. The early years of the last decade
saw the end of the Cold War , the resurgence of
the insurgency movement in Kashmir, and
Afghan-Pakistan border becoming the hotbed of
international terrorism.
The countries of
west Asia, which were the fulcrum of Islamic
terrorist movement in the past decades, itself
became targets of these radical organizations in
the 1990s. As these Islamic countries like Saudi
Arabia, Algeria and Egypt cracked down on the
fundamentalist organizations, the Afghan-Pak
border region became the safe haven for their
recruitment and training.
While most of
these Islamic or ganisations were brought up on
the daily diet of anti-American ideology,
Pakistan strategically channelised their energy
into the Kashmir insurgency. Obviously, after a
point, the difference between an anti-American
and anti Indian outlook became blurred for these
organizations. Not surprisingly, what the Indian
government had been saying since the early 1990s,
was grudgingly acknowledge by the American
administration.
The Talibanisation
of Afghanistan and the transformed geo-strategic
equation in the post cold war period, has seen
concerted US efforts to pressure successive
Pakistani governments to check to activities of
anti-US groups. However, the inability of the US
administration to go all they way, symbolized in
its hesitation to name Pakistan as a terrorist
state has a well thought out goe-strategic logic.
While the fight
against radical Islamic terrorism, particularly
from the "Afghan alumni", is a priority
for both India and US, the damaging effects of
the phenomena has been uneven in its dimension.
The report states
that while attacks on the US had increased from
169 in 1999 to 200 in 2000, 19 American citizens
were killed, including the 17 sailors from the
destroyer, USS Cole. One the other hand,
terrorist attacks, with its growing number of
victims, have been on the rise in Kashmir.
Hundreds of innocent civilians and para-military
personnel have been killed.
Furthermore, the
American focus has been primarily targeted at the
Islamic-Taliban varieties in South Asia. For
India, terrorist groups operating in North-East,
with overt and covert support from China,
Bangladesh and Pakistan have been a menace, which
finds no mention in the report.
In effect, the
report is an American look at terrorist movements
and its impact around the globe. In other world,
it primarily takes into consideration American
apprehensions and its global geo-strategic
interests.
In this light, it
is easy to understand why Americans have been
apprehensive of putting many of the redical
anti-Indian organizations on the list.
More importantly,
the continuing importance of Pakistan as a
gateway to Central Asia, with deep
military-bureaucratic linkages between US and
Pakistan and subsequently the hope of moderating
its polity are important factors in not isolating
Pakistan by naming it as a State sponsoring
terrorism. As such, while bilateral Indo-US
cooperation in fighting international terrorism
of the Afghan varieties would continue with its
own pace, India will have to be prepared to walk
the walk alone. The formation of the Joint
Working Group on counter Terrorism in Feb 2000,
after year of reminder by the Indian government
of the global menace of the Afghan alumni has
been a positive trend.
However, the crux
of the matter is that is the transformed global
polity, when even Iran, a designated
"terrorism sponsoring state", is being
wooed by the US administration. So to expect
United States to isolate Pakistan is expecting
too much. INAV
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