EDITORIAL

CULTURE DICTATORS

Slowly, the forces of extreme Right are making a bid to capture new areas of intellectual activity. They are trying to assert their dominance over the field of culture. From banning books to preventing the shooting of films to attacks artists and their work, the Hindutva brigade is trying hard to regiment thought and confine the country’s culture within the narrow walls of its Hindutva ideology. The increased militancy demonstrated by the....more

UNFLATTERING STATUS

The US action, which has placed India on the Special-301 ‘priority watch list’ for ‘intellectual property protection’, has not set the river Yamuna in Delhi on fire. Reason: This is not the first time India is being accorded this unflattering status. At the same time, the Americans require to be appreciated. India has also been taken off such lists when they have felt that the need for conferment of such status has ended. The US Trade Representative’s report, though an annual exercise, focuses on intellectual property issues. The Super-301 report...........more

Land of many
contradictions
Men, Matters, Memories

By M L Kotru
India has variously been described as a sleeping giant, functioning anarchy, a country which made an atheistic Soviet...
more

Say, who did lose this newest election ?...
Yours Randomly

By Dr R L Bhat
A story is told of an American who on his way to vote was offered five dollars by a Democrat to vote for his party.....
more

MEN AND MATTERS
Pak helping Myanmar militarily

From B L Kak
A serious situation has been allowed by Islamabad, in an apparent bid to irritate New Delhi .....
more

The Jehad factory and Indo-US relations

By Fazal Mahmood
The US seems interested in improving relations with us and moving towards some kind of strategic.......
.more

EDITORIAL

CULTURE DICTATORS

Slowly, the forces of extreme Right are making a bid to capture new areas of intellectual activity. They are trying to assert their dominance over the field of culture. From banning books to preventing the shooting of films to attacks artists and their work, the Hindutva brigade is trying hard to regiment thought and confine the country’s culture within the narrow walls of its Hindutva ideology. The increased militancy demonstrated by the constituents of the Sangh Parivar hitherto has sent a clear message to the non-Hindu sections of society that all intellectual, political and cultural activities must secure the approval of the self-appointed custodians of Indian tradition and heritage. If the Vajpayee Government unable to free itself from the stranglehold of the RSS? Is it powerless to prevent the latter from pursuing its now not so hidden agenda? The BJP is abetting the fanatic elements of the Sangh Parivar in implementing a divisive and sectarian agenda. Union Minister for Human Resources Development (HRD), Murli Manohar Joshi, first tried to saffronise education. He is now attempting to re-write history. The Congress and other non-BJP formations are on a strong wicket in accusing the HRD Ministry of rehashing the political history of the country in accordance with the Hindutva concept. Soon after assuming charge of his Ministry in the first phase of the NDA Government, Joshi changed the composition of the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) and replaced the socalled Left-leaning,liberal members with Sangh Parivar loyalists. Taking his strategy of creating a fundamentalist India a step further, he ordered the suspension of publication of two books on Indian history by Prof. KN Panikkar and Prof. Sumit Sarkar. The two books were part of the "Towards Freedom" series sponsored by the ICHR with Prof. S Gopal as its general editor, to give an overview of the British rule leading to the Partition and Independence. The project had been in existence for more than 20 years and no one had questioned the choice of the historians involved in it or the theme for their labours. Three former ICHR chairmen, Prof. Irfan Habib, Prof. RS Sharma and Prof. Ravinder Kumar, all distinguished scholars, had noted that the decision to suspend the publication was "part of a plan to spread a distorted and fictitious history of the national movement". Not long ago, a statement signed by more than 30 academics said: "As citizens and historians, we strongly deplore this action and call upon all concerned, including Parliament, to ensure the publication of the two volumes expeditiously and without any censorship". Indeed, it was intriguing why the reconstituted ICHR should hasten to put out of circulation a version of history which had not even seen the light of the day. There are large number of historians in the country who can be depended on to challenge the versions of the two authors if they were found motivated, slanted or partisan. Democracy rests on free discourse and exchange of intellectual thought. Attempts to suppress culture and freedom of thought and expression is the surest way of leading the country towards intolerance and bigotry. And at a time when the differences between Hindus and Muslims in some parts of the country seem to have widened, the NCERT (National Council for Educational Research and Training) has been caught in a storm. This, it seems, has followed the NCERT’s reported decision to remove from the curriculum at the higher secondary level certain textbooks on history. And, alas, the word has gone out that the NCERT also intends to do away with history as a subject at that level and, instead, make it part of an integrated corpus of social sciences. The objective is to reduce the curriculum load and make it relevant and effective. These objectives were spelt out in the NCERT’s National Curriculum Framework for School Education, which itself was criticised for its poor academic content and tendency to push the curriculum in a certain direction. The moves of the NCERT and the HRD Ministry, critics of the Hindutva forces point out, fall into a pattern that has become familiar since the NDA Government led by BJP assumed office. The University Grants Commission’s recent move to approve and allocate funds for regular university-level courses in Vedic Astrology had only recently triggered widespread criticism. HRD Minister, Joshi, is tight-lipped. But reports are doing the rounds that while the move to do away with history as a separate subject at the higher secondary level is likely to come into effect from the next academic session in a phased manner, the textbooks that are sought to be removed are authored by eminent historians such as Romila Thapar, RS Sharma, Satish Chandra and Bipan Chandra.

UNFLATTERING STATUS

The US action, which has placed India on the Special-301 ‘priority watch list’ for ‘intellectual property protection’, has not set the river Yamuna in Delhi on fire. Reason: This is not the first time India is being accorded this unflattering status. At the same time, the Americans require to be appreciated. India has also been taken off such lists when they have felt that the need for conferment of such status has ended. The US Trade Representative’s report, though an annual exercise, focuses on intellectual property issues. The Super-301 report also deals with trade aspects and, in particular, significant trade barriers that the US administration is "closely monitoring". And India also figures in this report. The specific issue, as for the Special-301 action, is the "insufficient" term of protection for patents. This issue is being tackled in the new patents law that is yet to be passed by Parliament. There is no denying that progress on this front has been irritatingly slow. This, unfortunately, has been interpreted by most developed countries as a basic unwillingness to go through with the legislation. The truth is that despite a WTO-induced sincerity in getting through with the legislation, unforeseen political impediments such as the rise and fall of successive coalition Governments have slowed progress. As for the Super-301 reference to the monitoring of the auto-sector problem and the customs valuation practices, the first issue is being examined by the WTO disputes settlement body, while the second is actually a problem meant for the WTO because, among other things, US Trade Representative (USTR) itself cites the WTO customs valuation agreement as stipulating something else. Thus the Government of India has no special reason to feel concerned about being included in the latest annual US Trade Representative exercise. The WTO regime was introduced in the mid-‘90s. There is even less cause for concern now because of the imperative of referring to Geneva all such disputes and potential disputes detailed in the USTR report. Washington requires to be told that it is time the US domestic law itself was changed to keep pace with developments at the multilateral level. This issue, in fact, has already figured in disputes before the WTO. "As India reforms its economy and taps its great potential, we should explore ways to achieve mutual benefits", says the USTR report. This is precisely what is required for the development of healthy trade relations between the two largest democracies. The report, while singing praises for free trade, says that the US and all nations "will need to be more adroit in aligning trade with our values". And what are these values? The report says: "Responding to concerns that trade undermines environmental protection and labour standards-while not permitting these issued to be used for protectionist ends".

Land of many contradictions
Men, Matters, Memories

By M L Kotru

India has variously been described as a sleeping giant, functioning anarchy, a country which made an atheistic Soviet leader loudly wonder that there must after all be a God to hold this land of many contradictions-multilingual, multicultural and multiracial-together. To most Indians, unknown to them, these are realities they have taken for granted and lived with. They will hark back to 5000 years and more and tell you how at different times, under different rulers, native and foreign, and how in the post-independence years have managed to stand together as one whenever the nation's security has been threatened.

Each one of these assumptions, enigmatically, is always passed on as the truth. Sleeping giant, yes. Functioning anarchy, very much so (remember the chaos of the just concluded Parliament session). Full of contradictions and self righteousness, very much so. But what should cause worry to us is that the image of the sleeping giant seems to be overshadowing all other attributes, even when they may not be altogether complimentary. Take the case of the recent killing of 16 jawans of the Border Security Force by Bangladeshis, never mind whether the killers belonged to the Bangladesh Security Forces or were plain villagers. The truth is that 16 jawans were killed, their bodies mutilated and returned only after India's sense of outrage became too difficult to contain. It took Dhaka more than two days to regret the killings and the mutilations. And two days after that we have the country's Foreign Ministry telling the world that it was the BSF jawans who had ventured into what he called Bangladesh territory.

In other words the Bangladesh Foreign office now wants us to believe that any future intrusion of the ill-defined, unmarked boundry will always be rebutted not just with force; brutality will be a part of the deal.

It obviously does not make much sense to Dhaka's top diplomat that the villages into which the BSF men are said to have 'tresspassed" are back in Indian hands and under Indian control as they had been ever since the birth of Bangladesh. The sacrifices made by Indian people and the Indian Army to make the birth of Bangladesh possible in 1971 is all but forgotten.

That Bangladeshi politicians may have their own compulsions to be seen as anti-Indian just prior to the elections in that ocuntry is another matter. To them India bashing is just a handy tool. That being so, how exactly is the sleeping giant expected to respond. Turn the other cheek? Let 16 jawans be killed, their bodies mutilated against all norms of international law, and assure Dhaka that we do understand its compulsions. Of course, our Foreign Office must and did protest the killings of Hasina Wajid did express her regret. Obviously New Delhi and Dhaka agreed that they must let this one pass. As they have done in the past, even when various terrorist outfits operating in the North East have operated from bases in Bangladesh. Dhaka is free even to harbour some of the known Indian absconders. That's the price we must pay for being deemed a good neighbour!

In the case of the brutal murder of BSF men the earlier fig leaf of their having been surrounded by over 1000 angry Bangladesh villagers and lynched, as it were by the mob has now been shed with the Foreign Ministry saying that they were killed in an encounter in which the BDR lost three of its men. Repeated requests in the past to the Bangladesh Government to drive out the North East terrorist from its territory have gone virtually unheeded. Nor has Dhaka really paid any heed to Indian concern over ISI activities along the India-Bangladesh border. The message obviously is that the sleeping giant must continue to sleep.

In nearby Nepal anti-Indian riots are arranged, as if on cue, over a statement which an Indian film star says he never made. The riots continue for days. The Nepalese Government looks on helplessly ignoring protests by the star and Indian Government spokesmen. Then one day it is discovered that the statement had been "manufactured" by a Kathmandu-based cable operator who obviously is in cahoots with Pakistani agents. A Pakistani diplomat is identified as one of the possible men linked to the hijacking of an Indian Airlines plane from Kathmandu to Kandhar via Pakistan 18 months ago. More than a year after the event the diplomat is caught red-handed in Kathmandu with huge quantities of RDX and we are now told that he had links not only with Pakistani terrorists operating in Jammu and Kashmir but also with Maoists playing havoc in Nepal itself. Questions are asked about the rash of the unusually large number of Kashmir's business that have sprung up in Kathmandu during the past five or six years -- transit points for narco-traffic and financing of militant outfits in Kashmir -- but the Nepalese authorities will not hear about it. India is trying to act the big bully, we are told.

That Bangladeshis have slipped into the Terai region of Nepal in droves is causing little concern even when Nepalese demographers point to more than hundred percent increase inthe Muslim population of the country, from the previous five percent to the present 11 per cent of the total Nepalese population. That even larger numbers of illegal Bangladeshi migrants have settled down in various parts of India is a different matter altogether and as history tells us they will soon be assimilated in the great Indian melting pot.

Sri Lanka has its own bone to pick with us. Several hundred Indian officers and Jawans may have died in pusuit of an idle dream dreamt by Rajiv Gandhi and Jayawerdene, the late Sri Lankan President, but for some reason the image persists that the Indian Peace Keeping Force had forced its way into that country. Nobody seems to remember that the Force was assigned to Sri Lanka at the Lankans' request. People even tend to forget that Rajiv was killed by LTTE activists who saw him as an enemy after the IPKF went into Sri Lanka. Even in off shore Maldives Indian Navy was requested to show its flag to put down brewing dissidence there which it did but President Gayoon for some reason is not always happy with us.

Pakistan is, of course, a different kettle of fish. Its obsession with Kashmir has not allowed it, ever since its birth 53 years ago, to think in terms of building up a good neighbourly relationship. Like other neighbouring countries it also holds India's size against her, never ceasing to build up the image of India as a big, belligerent bully, wanting to establish its hegemony over the region. Kashmir has remained a raging symbol of this obsession. In succession it has played the Americans (CENTO, SEATO Pacts) against India, used the Islamic card, offered to play (for a price) second fiddle to China in the latter's pursuit of its own objectives in the region. To propitiate the Chinese, Pakistan even ceded a vast tract in Jammu and Kashmir to Beijing.

In the overall context while it is good to find External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh building bridges of understanding with Washington, Iran and some other Muslim countries some thought needs to be given to shaking off the persisting image of "a sleeping giant", "a functioning anarchy". It's time to take foreign policy initiatives within the region itself if only to restore a semblance of reality to things as they stand in the region. India may have succeeded in part to disabuse the American mind of its tendency to equate India and Pakistan whenever it comes to US concerns in the region. But for her own good, New Delhi must adopt a more pro-active and realistic foreign policy posture in its relations with its immediate neighbours. SAARC is the most obvious forum for this kind of activity but for that to be effective New Delhi will first have to catch the Pakistani bull by the horn. If Kashmir is really the bone of contention there is no point in not talking to Pakistan directly and offering it a way out of the tangle. The Pant initiative in Jammu and Kashmir, I am afraid, does not look very promising. By offering a way out I am not suggesting offering Kashmir to Pakistan on a platter but to ask it to discuss the issue realistically taking the ground realities in the region and globally into consideration. An "Islamic" solution is not on the cards, it should be clearly stated.

Say, who did lose this newest election ?...............
Yours Randomly

By Dr R L Bhat

A story is told of an American who on his way to vote was offered five dollars by a Democrat to vote for his party. A little distance ahead, a Republican accosted him offering ten dollars to vote for Republicans. Asked who did he finally vote for and why, the sagely voter replied that he had chosen the latter for being less corrupt. The Indian voters, who went to vote this Thursday, do not have the consolation of even this specious distinction between the two leading contenders for.. the political spoils. Yes it is a straightforward contest for power there, in which ideology is only a pale excuse to forge compromises of convenience. If the Congress-Java-TMC alliance in Tamil Nadu strains the limits of credibility, the BJP-AGP get together in Assam puts policy and perspective right upon its head. Out in West Bengal, the contemporary history is putting forth its most farcical show with Mamta playing the ball with the Congress and the TNC chairman dancing the dais with Vajpayee.

If the Congress during its long years in power had proved itself a master of political subterfuge, the BJP in two short stints has almost equaled that record in deceit and dalliance. It is not just that the party that threatened to take the issue of Bangladeshi to streets is now talking of regularizing those tendentious stays with legitimate work-permits, or that it is busy attempting to out-scandal the grand old party of India with scams in every deportment of governance, or that it has proved as clay-footed as its bete noire Congress was whether in dealing with terrorism or direct challenges to the Indian sovereignty. More than that, it is the ease with which the BJP has slipped into the shoddy shoes that were worn by the Congress over its long trampling of the Indian hope and promise. Whether it is the dalals of defense contracts as shown by the tehelka episode, or the rutted bureaucracy in which the BJP rule has got firmly and by choice mired, or the gangs of power brokers who appear to be ruling the roost. The 'party with a difference' has become comfortably cozy with all that was rotten in the Congress rule. Without any indication of discomfort or diffidence. So, what is there for the voter to elect, to choose, or to defeat?

Little. Very little. Nothing. Perhaps the subtlety should have become evident much earlier. Even in those 'revolutionary days' of 1977, ideological antagonists BJP and the leftists had joined hands through tenuous spreads of socialists, Lohiaites, Gandhians.. all, to foist the Janata deception upon the people. Ten years later, after rounds of bickerings and breakings, these natural antagonists again rallied together behind V P Singh. Only to break and bounce away, again. The last decade of the present century was a thunderous study in penchant of the Indian political outfits for compromise, with scant regard for stands, policies or ideological planks. Over these years, the burgiose and the proletariat, the industry-wallahs and the mazdoor-touter, the liberal and the conservative, the democrat and the obscurantist, the modern and the orthodox.. all, have coupled together in attempts to produce a.. any possible claimant for office. With dozens of one-man, one-woman shows thrown in to fill in the numbers. For numbers alone matter in this game, there. The magic numbers have been arrayed. And how ! Conjure up any permutation and it combined to lap up power, think of any probability and it came to be to share the spoils, deem of any possibility and it materialized to eat away the cake called India.

That is the legacy the new millennium has become heir to. And, a true offspring it continues to follow the example in bland, blatant display. So what does the Keralite voter have to look forward to, in this newest election apart from a replay of the spectacle he has been witnessing for over two decades now? It is the same songsters running to the same music, moving around the very same chairs they have been befouling for decades by turns. In Tamil Nadu, there are the same gangs in new regroupings, one promoting the self, another the sun, and others their petty personas as the promises of the millennium. Add Aurobindo's Pondicherry and there you have the elitest of the Indian states and voters driven to a tomfoolery in the name of popular choice. In Assam, all pre-election foes are friends and earlier friends foes, in new configurations to fool the people, rather to openly. All believing, rather too knowingly, it is in the west Bengal of the barest farce that at least a new ray is coming up. Though even before its hope could show, the image has soured with the signs of the same rancidity that saw one time stalwart champions become shoddy schemesters. Yes, nothing to choose there; nothing to win. Save, of course, the new leases to old agendas, new avenues for the old opportunists. Inevitably, one of these calculations would get through. And hail its manipulation as the newest victory of the 'people of India'. There would begin yet another round of the history, replaying the farces it turns its tragedies into. India that would be roundly beaten in this round would go lauding its winners! But isn't it the original sin reporting back? In the apocryphal American anecdote isn't the voter who goes about pocketing fivers and tenners without a a compunction, and gets presumptuous enough to pass loaded moral judgements, the most corrupt of all? The real culprit? The real loser, too!

MEN AND MATTERS
Pak helping Myanmar militarily

From B L Kak

A serious situation has been allowed by Islamabad, in an apparent bid to irritate New Delhi and watch its next move in a country in its neighbourhood, namely, Myanmar. Pakistan has, at last, created its base in Myanmar, thereby posing a piquant problem for the powers-that-be in New Delhi.

The cat is out of the bag. Pakistan, classified intelligence inputs have established, has so far trained a large number of Myanmarese officers in anti-submarine warfare. And Islamabad has held out an assurance to Myanmar that the latter would continue to be helped militarily by the former in several ways.

Originally a part of British India, Union of Myanmar (Burma till May 1989) located between South and South-East Asia, on Bay of Bengal, became an independent country on January 4, 1948. Gen. Ne Win who ruled Burma with an iron hand for 26 years was forced out in popular uprising in mid-1988.

The Armed Forces set up a State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In June 1990, in the first free elections in 30 years, the National League for Democracy won by a big majority but the army was reluctant to hand over power. The ruling junta has been promising a new Constitution for nearly seven years now but nothing concrete has emerged.

Myanmar joined the regional group BISTEC (Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand Economic Cooperation) in July 1997, which then became BIMSTEC. In July 1997, ASEAN admitted Myanmar as a member.

A new change, a new mood, a new expectation, a new turn, a new twist became evident during the visit to Myanmar by Pakistan’s military ruler, Gen. Parvez Musharraf. And New Delhi could not be faulted when it saw it as an attempt to open a third front by Pakistan. Pakistan is already creating trouble for India from Bangladesh and Nepal. And now Islamabad has intensified overtures towards Myanmar.

The accent of the Musharraf visit was on expanding the military cooperation with Myanmar. Pakistan also offered its expertise in the agriculture sector to Yangon. New Delhi, at the same time, has reasons to expect Myanmar to show sensitivity to India’s security concerns.

India, it is argued, would resent either China or Pakistan to meddle in an area west of the Chindwin river, a key tributary of the legendary Irrawady. That would mean exposing India’s troubled northeast, especially Nagaland, to external forces. Within days of the maiden visit to Myanmar by Gen. Musharraf, Pakistani warships were found concluding a visit to Yangon. Pakistan, in fact, posted three naval ships in Myanmarese waters. They include a destroyer Tipu Sultan, a tanker Mobin and a submarine Shushank. This phenomenon was allowed despite Myanmar’s assurance to New Delhi that they would have no foreign naval ships in their ports.

Before the Pakistani vessels entered Myanmarese waters, a Chinese submarine had been stationed in Myanmar and a high-powered Chinese delegation made a 2-day visit to Myanmar on April 25. Chinese are said to have encouraged the Pakistanis to go ahead with the docking of the vessels.

It is argued by some quarters in India that the visit should be looked at politically and not in isolation. One view that is being expressed is that Pakistan, through the ship visit, has sent a signal to India of its intent to influence its eastern neighbourhood.

Pakistan has, ever since the emergence of the Sheikh Hasina Government in Bangladesh, looked for a toe- hold along India’s eastern neighbourhood. Not surprisingly, it has made a concerted effort to cultivate Myanmar, a country with which its "all weather" friend China has close ties. Pakistan has supplied to Myanmar arms and ammunition worth 2.5 million dollars in march-April 1999 and two of its delegations visited Coco Islands in 1997-98.

Authorities in Myanmar are consciously playing a game of politics vis-à-vis India. Myanmar needs India to counter Western sanctions. The country has only 28 export destinations. And India is a major buyer of Myanmarese products. This apart, India also gave a loan of 10 million dollars to Myanmar in 1997. This was followed up with another loan of 25 million dollars.

Recently, Rs 100 crore were given for a road project from Mora to Kalimu. Projects worth 300 million dollars are also in the pipeline. Why then this shift towards Pakistan? The shift is not sudden, considering the fact that Islamabad has been trying to win over Myanmar for the last more than four years.

According to one account, Pakistan has, since 1996, covertly been building madrasas and collecting donations for religious groups like Tabliq Jamaat in Myanmar. The Government of India’s worry has a basis. It is generally felt by official circles that if Myanmar starts supporting Pakistan trained military groups and offers training bases for them, the situation in the north-east region of India could worsen.

It is not unknown that entry into Nagaland and Manipur is not difficult from Myanmar because of the porous borders. A surveillance radar at Coco Islands monitors India’s missile tests at Balasore. New Delhi is not to blame for treating as unacceptable Pakistani access to the strategic Coco Islands.

The Jehad factory and Indo-US relations

By Fazal Mahmood

The US seems interested in improving relations with us and moving towards some kind of strategic understanding. This may partly be because the Bush team comprises Cold War warriors, for whom China has replaced the former Soviet Union as the major threat. The second factor could be the fear of Islamic fundamentalism coming from the Pakistan-Taliban nexus. The message conveyed to the Indian Foreign minister was that the US would no longer equate India with Pakistan, and would deal with each country separately on the merits of the issue. There was no pressure or insistence for a dialogue with Pakistan, or for settlement of the Kashmir issue. CTBI is also no longer a priority with the Bush Administration. Jaswant Singh's ability to strike up personal rapport may again become a positive factor.

The threat to global peace and security, particularly to liberal democratic societies like India and United States from the growing menace of trans-national terrorism is one of the major convergence that has brought to two countries together in the post cold was period. Indicatively, the recently released report on "Patterns of Global Terrorism 2000" by the US Department of State has reconfirmed "the trend of terrorism shifting from the Middle East to South Asia." Pakistan has come in for scathing criticism in the report for its "increasing support to the Taliban" and for allowing Kashmiri insurgent groups including the largest of them all, the Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mahammed (JeM), along the with the Harkat ul-Mujahideen (HuM), a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) to "operate in Pakistan, raise funds and recruit new cadres."

Moreover, "by providing the Talibal with material, fuel, funding, technical assistance and military advisers" Pakistan has been indicated for undermining the UN Security Council resolution 1333, which demands that members states "observe an arms embargo against the Taliban that includes a prohibition against providing military weapons, training and advice"

The recognition of these stark realities has given some hope that the ongoing destabilization efforts by the "Afghan alumni" in South Asia, will be bilaterally confronted with renewed vigour. In effect, it would require a systematic, well thought out, coordinated international cooperation to halt this growing threat. Obviously, India and the US, the two proclaimed targets of the "Afghan alumni", have a greater stake in coordinating efforts against them.

In this light, the recently released report on "Patterns of Global Terrorism 2000", has been seen as a positive trend. At the same time, the overwhelming legalistic framework of the report by which many of the destructive terrorist organizations like Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JEM) have been let off has disappointed many in India. Further, by indicating Pakistan but not taking the logical step of putting it on notice, the limitation and the inherent dilemma in the battle against state sponsored terrorism has been exposed. Has the US administration fallen below our expectations or were the Indian expectations unrealistically framed?

Historically, both India and the US have faced the threat of terrorism. However, the cold war divide between them did not provide any realistic frame work for cooperation. The early years of the last decade saw the end of the Cold War , the resurgence of the insurgency movement in Kashmir, and Afghan-Pakistan border becoming the hotbed of international terrorism.

The countries of west Asia, which were the fulcrum of Islamic terrorist movement in the past decades, itself became targets of these radical organizations in the 1990s. As these Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia, Algeria and Egypt cracked down on the fundamentalist organizations, the Afghan-Pak border region became the safe haven for their recruitment and training.

While most of these Islamic or ganisations were brought up on the daily diet of anti-American ideology, Pakistan strategically channelised their energy into the Kashmir insurgency. Obviously, after a point, the difference between an anti-American and anti Indian outlook became blurred for these organizations. Not surprisingly, what the Indian government had been saying since the early 1990s, was grudgingly acknowledge by the American administration.

The Talibanisation of Afghanistan and the transformed geo-strategic equation in the post cold war period, has seen concerted US efforts to pressure successive Pakistani governments to check to activities of anti-US groups. However, the inability of the US administration to go all they way, symbolized in its hesitation to name Pakistan as a terrorist state has a well thought out goe-strategic logic.

While the fight against radical Islamic terrorism, particularly from the "Afghan alumni", is a priority for both India and US, the damaging effects of the phenomena has been uneven in its dimension.

The report states that while attacks on the US had increased from 169 in 1999 to 200 in 2000, 19 American citizens were killed, including the 17 sailors from the destroyer, USS Cole. One the other hand, terrorist attacks, with its growing number of victims, have been on the rise in Kashmir. Hundreds of innocent civilians and para-military personnel have been killed.

Furthermore, the American focus has been primarily targeted at the Islamic-Taliban varieties in South Asia. For India, terrorist groups operating in North-East, with overt and covert support from China, Bangladesh and Pakistan have been a menace, which finds no mention in the report.

In effect, the report is an American look at terrorist movements and its impact around the globe. In other world, it primarily takes into consideration American apprehensions and its global geo-strategic interests.

In this light, it is easy to understand why Americans have been apprehensive of putting many of the redical anti-Indian organizations on the list.

More importantly, the continuing importance of Pakistan as a gateway to Central Asia, with deep military-bureaucratic linkages between US and Pakistan and subsequently the hope of moderating its polity are important factors in not isolating Pakistan by naming it as a State sponsoring terrorism. As such, while bilateral Indo-US cooperation in fighting international terrorism of the Afghan varieties would continue with its own pace, India will have to be prepared to walk the walk alone. The formation of the Joint Working Group on counter Terrorism in Feb 2000, after year of reminder by the Indian government of the global menace of the Afghan alumni has been a positive trend.

However, the crux of the matter is that is the transformed global polity, when even Iran, a designated "terrorism sponsoring state", is being wooed by the US administration. So to expect United States to isolate Pakistan is expecting too much. INAV

 



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