EDITORIAL

UNHELPFUL PAK AGENT

Adopting more-loyal-than-the-king attitude, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, senior leader of Kashmir’s Jamaat-e-Islami, is all praise for Pakistan’s military Government headed by Gen. Parvez Musharraf. And even as he continues to consume Indian rice and salt and is fond of as much Indian currency notes as possible, Geelani derives tremendous pleasure from chanting two types of slogans-‘Pakistan zindabad’ and ‘Hindustan murdabad’. He, however, requires to be appreciated for his consistency in his pro-Pakistan views. As such, he cannot be faulted for his latest pronouncement, which, in fact, is the repetition of what he has all along been saying. "I am in favour of Kashmir merging with Pakistan", he said and added: "I believe the interest of Kashmir will be best served if it is part of Pakistan". Geelani’s formula-indeed, he spoke the language of Islamabad-after his yet another quiet session with the New Delhi-based Pakistan High Commissioner, Qazi Ashraf Jehangir, assumes much importance in the context of the ......more

India: Into German Modern dance, Link by Linke

By Aditi De
Maybe I like to dance because in the first six years of my life, I could not speak. As a baby,...
more

Kenya: Naked mothers
fight for Justice

By Charles Wachira
In the absence of a credible justice system, women in rural Kenya have gone back....
more

Agriculture : Unequal
war at the WTO

By Arun Pratap Singh
With the conclusion of the first phase of agriculture negotiations at WTO, the process has entered a far more....
more

Brazil: Duloren - the Benetton of Brazil

By Marlinelza B de Oliveira
Prisoner Lúcia Maria Costa da Silva is serving time in the female prison Romeiro Neto. Unemployed cleaner Jeane Mattos .....
more

EDITORIAL

UNHELPFUL PAK AGENT

Adopting more-loyal-than-the-king attitude, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, senior leader of Kashmir’s Jamaat-e-Islami, is all praise for Pakistan’s military Government headed by Gen. Parvez Musharraf. And even as he continues to consume Indian rice and salt and is fond of as much Indian currency notes as possible, Geelani derives tremendous pleasure from chanting two types of slogans-‘Pakistan zindabad’ and ‘Hindustan murdabad’. He, however, requires to be appreciated for his consistency in his pro-Pakistan views. As such, he cannot be faulted for his latest pronouncement, which, in fact, is the repetition of what he has all along been saying. "I am in favour of Kashmir merging with Pakistan", he said and added: "I believe the interest of Kashmir will be best served if it is part of Pakistan". Geelani’s formula-indeed, he spoke the language of Islamabad-after his yet another quiet session with the New Delhi-based Pakistan High Commissioner, Qazi Ashraf Jehangir, assumes much importance in the context of the renewed offensive by Pakistan-sponsored jihadis in various parts of Jammu and Kashmir. A section of activists of the All-Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC), particularly the moderates, had expected Geelani to support caution at a time when the death dance in the Valley had acquired alarming proportions. As Geelani apparently got emboldened because of the failures of the Government of India, one after another, on the Kashmir scene, it was natural for a "committed Pakistani patriot" like him to highlight the need and relevance of the demand for Kashmir’s integration with Pakistan. Geelani is famous among the hordes of Pakistani agents. He is infamous among the Indian agents. Since his constituency comprises primarily Pakistani agents and advocates of militant Islam, his emphasis on the demand for involving Pakistan in any talks on the future of Kashmir is not unexpected. In spite of his liking for the slogan "Hindustan murdabad", Geelani is not opposed to the idea of Indo-Pak amity. Yet, he has strongly expressed himself against bilateralism vis-ŕ-vis the Kashmir issue. Geelani, who has also been emboldened by the inability of the moderates within the Hurriyat Conference to isolate him and his camp, injected a new element into the situation by stating in an interview with a news web-site that bilateralism is an "unhelpful format" for resolving the Kashmir problem. The position of the moderates-Geelani is a known hardliner-who had welcomed New Delhi’s unilateral cease-fire in J&K, is increasingly untenable. These moderates cannot be faulted for the manner in which they hardened their position. Why the hardening of the stance? An answer to this question is not far to seek. Clearly, by doing so they sought to retain their credibility among the Kashmiri Muslims. How could the Hurriyat Conference expect the Government of India to talk to only the representatives of the APHC when there are other leaders and groups operating in J&K? As part of its plan to ensure that there was not any howl of protest from the National Conference and other political groups, notably in Jammu region and Ladakh, the Vajpayee Government announced that it intended to talk to all groups, including non-political ones like trade unions. This worsened the Hurriyat’s dilemma, for it raised the price of a dialogue to include not just the abandonment of the Pakistan trip but also acceptance that it was not different from groups that had not shed a drop of blood in defence of Kashmir’s ethno-nationalism. At a time when New Delhi’s chief negotiator on Kashmir, KC Pant, had begun to prepare himself for a visit to Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan’s principal ‘salesman’ (Geelani) chose to drop the brick: The only solution is tripartite talks-involving Pakistan, India and the Kashmiri people-and the United Nations resolutions on Kashmir. Geelani’s loyalty to Pakistan is unquestionable. But was he briefed by Pakistan’s High Commissioner before he told the news web-site that the damage done by the Tashkent and Shimla agreements and the Lahore Declaration to the international status of the Kashmir issue "is irreparable"? Was he also trying to present his master’s voice when, in a bid to further embarrass the powers-that-be in New Delhi and Srinagar, he justified jihad in Kashmir? And Geelani’s significant query: "If jihad is not justified in Kashmir, where else would it be?" Equally significant was his diatribe against the previous regimes in Islamabad. His description of the Mushraff regime’s Kashmir policy as "very positive and realistic" is obviously the outcome of Islamabad’s greater trust and confidence in him than in other top leaders of the APHC. His critics, at the same time, have also termed as "very positive and realistic" the dialogue process initiated by the Vajpayee Government with various leaders and groups and parties in Jammu and Kashmir. It is a different matter that vested interests and unhelpful schemers like Geelani and his supporters within the right-wing Jamaat-e-Islami and its military wing, Hizbul Mujahideen, may love and like to create hurdles for KC Pant. Geelani requires to be informed that he, too, will, like his ally, Sheikh Aziz, get an opportunity in the near future to be in Islamabad and kiss the soil of Pakistan. If reports doing the rounds this time in the Indian capital were to be believed, KC Pant has, in his separate meetings with the Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, and the Home Minister, LK Advani, on certain men and matters in J&K, favoured the idea of allowing the Hurriyat leaders to visit Pakistan. These leaders, including the controversial man under reference (Geelani), can, it has been argued, go to Pakistan as representatives of their respective groups-not as emissaries of the Government of India. Geelani’s renewed attempt to dictate his own agenda to the rest of the crowd in the 23-party conglomerate has, to say the least, confirmed reports that the Hurriyat leadership remains divided. With Geelani welcoming the jihadis and campaigning for a merger with Pakistan, the moderates have been found remaining vulnerable to exhortations in the name of Islam. No Hurriyat leader has so far publicly underlined the huge differences that exist between Kashmiri ‘sufi’ Islam and the extreme Deobandi and Wahabi Islam that is sweeping over Pakistan. Moderates as well as hard-liners within the Hurriyat Conference may differ with each other on some other issues but they seem united on one thing-that is, to keep on harassing and embarrassing the Government by highlighting the "excesses" by the Indian security forces in Kashmir in the past one decade or so. But no Hurriyat leader has publicly acknowledged that prominent Kashmiri leaders like Mirwaiz Farooq, Maulana Masoodi and Abdul Ahad Guru were killed not by Indian security forces but by extremist pro-Pakistan organisations. No Hurriyat leader has ever criticised Pakistan in public for unleashing the jihadis on Kashmir or the ISI for master-minding some of the assassinations that have rocked the Valley. Why this one-sidedness? The reasons for it are easy to understand and appreciate. Apart from other pressures, Hurriyat leaders live in constant fear for their lives. They have to, in the altered scenario, muster courage and come forward to talk with New Delhi. And the talk they can hold without giving up their demand that the Hurriyat team be allowed to visit Pakistan.

India: Into German Modern dance, Link by Linke

By Aditi De

Maybe I like to dance because in the first six years of my life, I could not speak. As a baby, I had meningitis so I used my body to express myself. Then, I went to a special school and in one-and-a-half years I learnt the German language," Susanne Linke, a leading German contemporary dancer, had confessed on her first solo tour of India in 1985.

Since then Linke has returned to India four times, the last time as a part of the recently concluded German Festival in India. On this tour she presented an evening titled 'Uber Kreuz,' (Crosswise) in collaboration with Reinhild Hoffmn, her former choreography course mate from the Folkwang High School at Essen. The tour covered New Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai, Bangalore, Ahmedabad and Mumbai.

What was the avant-garde, 70-minute programme set to the unusual music of Helmut Lachenmann and Salvatore Sciarrino, about? "The cross stands for crossing ways, energies or an orientation in space," explains Linke, who is in her mid-50s today. "The choreography uses three different symbols - the cross of the axis, the cross of the diagonal and the cross of the body," she adds.

The result is two strong individual dancers, never quite dancing in harmony, crisscrossing onstage in joint and solo pieces that trace transformations in their styles and choreography.

'Uber Kreuz' is part of a three-fold dance project, based on the theme of the cross. Historically, both Linke and Hoffmann are linked to the German modern dance tradition originating from Rudolf von Laban.

What makes German modern dance such a force to contend with? Bremen-based Linke, regarded as one of the most individualistic spirits to shape the current trend, sees it thus: "In Germany, we haven't had major classical ballet choreographers, but we have much modern dance. Mary Wigman was a pioneer. So was Kurt Joss, who was good at group choreography. Wigman was a very strong woman, who broke the old tradition to make something new."

And what of her own generation? "Modern dance is always looking for change. Our contemporary, Pina Bausch's dance, is the best example," explains freckle-faced Linke, her hands shaping forms in the air around her. "Through her, German dance has got worldwide exposure.

With our generation, our dance caught world attention. But it took a long time after World War II to do something new. In Germany, we tend to live in disharmony. Our thinking is negative. Maybe because we're right at the centre of Europe and most wars start in Germany."

As an aside, Linke turns to the colours of India, including the azure and pastel greens she drapes herself in at Bangalore, "You wear these beautiful colours. In Germany, what do women wear? Black and grey. It's horrible. But I don't dare to go out in Germany with these colours."

How does Linke, who has done several workshops with breakaway dancer Chandralekha, view the East-West dance divide? "Indian dancers have fuller bodies. They emphasise the eyes and hands more than we do," she says. "I feel very comfortable with Indian dance. It's easier to get into the movement and mentality of Indian dance than into classical ballet. If I were to live again, perhaps I'd choose Kathakali, which expresses the depths of humanity. Bharatanatyam is more feminine; Odissi looks so erotic."

What's special about dance training in the modern style? "I think it takes 10 years to train a body to be a dance instrument, to feel natural," Linke explains. "After three years, your body will have the discipline, but it wouldn't have reached you inside.

When I do warm-ups, I sometimes do Indian movements, which come naturally. In 1965-66, I even took a class in the Rabindranath Tagore dance style in Berlin."

What defines German dance today? "We try to express through movement and expression what moves us most. It's always related to the human being, not only to form and shape, which relates to inner time," says Linke. "We don't have a narrative form. It does not interest us. As modern dancers, we are not conscious of the muscles of our faces. The emotion within comes through the face, but not consciously. The important thing is to be cool, to be over everything. That is the western way."

Over the years of being one of Germany's most influential choreographers, has Linke's definition of dance changed? "No," she avers. "To me, it remains the spirit that comes into rhythmical movement."

As Susanne Linke springs up, her feet placed at an angle, her arms thrown into the breeze, her body in startling motion, her expressions just seconds in facial transit, she leaves us in no doubt about what makes her tick. The spirit of her dance is the steel of her soul. (WFS)

Kenya: Naked mothers fight for Justice

By Charles Wachira

In the absence of a credible justice system, women in rural Kenya have gone back to a pristine tradition: Undressing in public to symbolise their resistance to what they perceive as unjust. And if a recent incident is anything to go by, this form of protest is bearing positive results.

Three hundred women - all naked - chased away scientists involved in a World Bank primate research project which sought to relocate them from their ancestral land. According to Suleiman Mbaruk, who is heading the project, not less than 2,000 families were targeted for relocation.

The indigenous people in the coastal enclave of the Tana River District are opposed to the project because they believe that there is too much at stake. "We will not allow the project to go ahead. Our forefathers are buried here. This is the only place that we can truly call our home. Our memories are all here. How then do you expect us to just move so as to pave way for a project? That will not happen. If need be, we shall fight to the last person," says Chema Cheko, an elder from the region.

But what does women parading naked have to do with the project? According to Cheko, traditionally the torso of a naked woman was held in fear, particularly if it was of a mother. Explains he, "Imagine looking at your mother's naked body. The effect is stronger if the rite of undressing is done as a statement of protest. Everybody - even the gods - know that emerging naked in public is the most extreme show of pain for a woman. In a sense it's a spiritual sacrifice."

As was to be expected, the government dismissed the suggestion that going ahead with the project was being unfair to the people who are being displaced. Instead, the government has maintained that its critics are hypocrites who are playing to international galleries in the hope that they will be able to organise some funds for themselves.

Joseph Kamotho, the Secretary General of the country's ruling party, KANU, sees a sinister plot in the accusations. "The government is inclined to provide our people with nearly all their requirements. All those people who are making noises about the KANU government are jealous of our achievements," he says.

But the accusations being made against the government are not without foundation. Human rights organisations, both local and international like Amnesty International, Kenya's Federation of Women lawyers (FIDA) and the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) have intermittently pointed out that Kenya is an accident waiting to happen.

For example, a recent FIDA report titled 'The making of a rogue State' indicts the present administration for malfeasance and warns that unless corrective measures are carried through "... the governed will rise up against the governor once the cup of endurance runs over". The report also maintains that the people have been forced to seek ingenious methods to sort out their problems which is a clear indication that very soon the people may revolt against the government as well.

And taking the lead in these protests are women. Some Kenyan communities like Kikuyu - the country's numerically superior ethnic group - compare God with women, particularly mothers - which is a strong indication of the reverence and clout that is associated with the female gender. For instance, a Kikuyu traditional saying states that a mother is considered a second God. At another level, protests by women are seen as God's acceptance that He would intervene and adjudicate in favour of those aggrieved.

In addition, explains Wangare, a member of the Kikuyu community, the nude act ought to be followed simultaneously with action to alert the broader society of the discrimination that has taken place against a particular section.

According to Professor Geoffrey Muruiki of the University of Nairobi's Department of Sociology, this practice has been forgotten due to the twin forces of formal education and western influence.

Says he, "Formal schooling today has very little regard for some cultural ethos of the past.

In essence, the laissez faire spirit inherent in the money economy has subsumed the psyche of the Kenyan people and relegated most traditions to the realm of ambiguity." Women had first lodged the nude protest 10 years ago against the government when 40 of them got together to protest against the government's action of indefinitely detaining their sons in the state penitentiary. When their initial protests fell on deaf ears, the mothers of political detainees along with other sympathisers performed the nude act to register their annoyance.

But President Daniel Arap Moi would have none of it. He ordered a posse of armed policemen to break the vigil. Unmoved by the mere presence of the forces, the women only left after the police used tear gas.

For now, the primate project is in limbo thanks to the impasse resulting from the nude act. If tradition holds, this will see the locals emerge victorious. But in Moi's Kenya, you can't count on it. (WFS)

Agriculture : Unequal war at the WTO

By Arun Pratap Singh

With the conclusion of the first phase of agriculture negotiations at WTO, the process has entered a far more challenging and tougher second phase because of the sharp divergence of views and positions of the member countries. Also the hegemony of the developed came to the fore like never before during the course of the first round of talks.

The Indian Government has reportedly finalised the agenda for the second phase of the farm talks. According to the details of the second phase of work programme on negotiations on agriculture, three special session meeting would be held back-to-back with the regular meetings of the Committee on Agriculture in September and December 2001 and in March 2002. So far for India and the rest of the developing world, the anticipated gains from the trade liberalisation process are negligible. Yet the government continues to push forward the second phase of reforms aggressively without giving due thought to the consequences and the real economic fallout of the new policies. It does not even seem bothered about the increasing number of suicides by farmers in several states and the decreasing economic viability of cultivation.

While the captains of Indian industry and even the media cries for removal of subsidies in the agriculture blaming them for our economic ills, the matter of fact is that India has only 3% agriculture subsidy against 30% to 40% in a majority of developed countries. So all the noise about the high ranging subsidies is just not fair. The amount of subsidy that goes into agriculture is far less than what has gone to the industrial sector.

Add to this the total lack of the rural infrastructure; the Indian farmer is no match for his western counterpart. Much of the cultivation is still rain-fed, there are just not enough storage and cold storage facilities, and there is total lack of credit at reasonable interest. Rural roads, transport and communication are in shambles. In no way the farmers can bring down their cost of cultivation to compete with the import glut sure to follow in not a very distant future.

The very process by which negotiations are conducted and concluded, work to the disadvantage of developing countries. That is another matter thought that even the negotiations were carried out in most unjust and undemocratic manner with the sole objective being only to help the cause of the developed world. US Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky after the revolt of the representatives of developing countries during the course of last round of discussions on agriculture had to concede; ''The process... was a rather exclusionary one,'' she admitted.'' All meetings were held between 20 and 30. key countries. And that meant 100 countries, 100, were never in the room... This led to an extraordinarily bad feeling that they were left out of the process and that the results.. had been dictated to them by the 25 or 30 privileged countries who were in the room.''

Many developing countries are at considerable practical disadvantage in participating in WTO processes and negotiations, due to their lack of skilled personal and the high cost of maintaining an adequate-size-delegation to deal with trade matters. Furthermore, the structural weaknesses of most developing countries mean that they are unable to use the dispute settlement procedures to full effect, being limited in their capacity to defend themselves, to bring disputes before the dispute settlement mechanism, and, indeed, the possibility of using and to pursue retaliation against a non-complying party or parties especially if they happen to be major trading powers from the North.

Even a United Nations-appointed study team has labelled the World Trade Organization a ''nightmare'' for developing countries and suggested the body should be brought under the UN's purview. In a report presented a few months back to the UN's sub-commission on protection of human rights, the team also dismisses WTO's open trading rules as based ''on grossly unfair and even prejudiced'' assumptions.

The report also calls for a ''radical review of the whole system of trade liberalization'' and critical consideration of whether it is geared toward shared benefits ''for rich and poor countries alike. But although it echoes criticism of the trade body from Western anti-globalisation groupings, the 40-page report rejects the idea many of those groupings promote of linking trade rules to human rights, labour and environmental standards.

The conclusions of the first round of talks have resulted in widespread protests and movements throughout the world and more so in the third world. What is worrying the most is the lack of any concern for the large number of poor and the malnourished people, more than 205 million in India itself. While in theory the WTO may have been well conceived, selfish trade interests and unequal competitions have worked against its just managements and its advocated objectives.

It cannot be denied by anybody that in reality, in the past five years the WTO has contributed to the concentration of wealth in the hands of the rich few; increasing poverty for the majority of the world's population; and unsustainable patterns of production and consumption. Another fact, which cannot escape a deep insight into the current state of affairs at the WTO, is the hold that the multinational corporations are having at every stage of negotiations. Governments of the rich countries, heavily influenced by corporate lobbyists, have given sweeping rights to multinational companies. These rights are being strictly enforced by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) with disastrous consequences for people around the world. Now the governments are proposing to further expand WTO's mandate which may give unprecedented new powers to the corporate giants.

By signing on the Agreement on Agriculture (AOA), developing countries discovered that they had agreed to open up their markets while allowing the big agricultural superpowers to consolidate their system of subsidized agricultural production. This led to the massive dumping of surpluses on those very markets, a process that was, in turn, destroying small holdings-based agriculture. In India majority of the farmers have small and even marginal holdings of land.

The WTO Agreement on Agriculture had incorporated three broad areas of commitments from member-states, market access, domestic support and export subsidies. The underlying objective ostensibly being to correct and prevent restrictions and distortions in world agricultural markets. But more than five years later, the implications and consequences of the founding of the WTO had become as clear to large numbers of people as robbery carried out in broad economic governance that would provide the necessary rules to facilitate the growth of global trade and the spread of its beneficial effects. What we see today is an entirely different situation.

Politically, the entire matter of globalisation of trade has always been a volatile issue. But politics apart, serious aspersions have been cast on the real implications of the agriculture agreement for the developing countries. A recent FAO study concludes ther has been hardly any change in volume of exports. Tariff peaks continue to block exports from the developing countries. Tariffs still remain very high, especially for cereals, sugar and dairy products. Sanitary and phytosanitary measures continue to be a major barrier in diversifying exports in horticulture and meat products.

Selective reductions in tariffs by the developed countries have also blocked the exports from developing countries. The United States had 244 percent of import duty on sugar and 174 percent on groundnuts. These have been only marginally brought down. On several other items also the import duty continues to be high. European Union levied 200 percent of import duty on beef 168 percent on wheat and 144 percent on meat. Japan imposed an empirical 388 percent duty on wheat products and 352 percent on wheat. Other developed nations like Australia, New Zealand and Canada are not far behind. These facts only expose the hypocrisy of the developed countries.

The opening of the markets, in the post-Uruguay Round phase, has taken place mainly in the developing countries. The share of exports from developing countries, which constitute over three-fourths of the WTO membership, continues to remain around 30% of the world trade in agriculture. This is less than what it was 25-30 years ago. The anticipated increase in exports from developing to developed countries, thus, has not materialised.

Among the three major developed regions, Western Europe is the most important market for agriculture exports from developing countries, but the share of total agriculture exports from developing countries into Western Europe has declined from 28˝ per cent in 1994 to 28 percent in 1998. The share of agriculture exports of developing countries into Japan has also fallen from 14˝% to 11˝% during this period. As far as India is concerned, we are not much of a trading nation; our international trade constitutes a mere 0.6 percent of the global trade, although we are one of the largest producers of agriculture products.

Although all nations are obliged under WTO rules to reduce agricultural subsidies that are deemed ''trade distoring'', the application of these rules as mentioned above has been conspicuously asymmetric. A big disquieting feature of the global trade situation in agriculture is the relentless increase in subsidies in the advanced countries. Agriculture was, till the very last days of negotiations, considered a potential ''deal breaker'' because of fundamental divergences between the European Union, Japan and the US. The compromise involving these three major trading entities, when it was crafted, allowed for a number of exemptions from the subsidy discipline envisaged, which they have since utilised to the hilt.

Shrewd manipulation of their subsidy reduction commitments has in reality increased the support to farmers in the developed countries.

In the US, subsidy for mere one lakh farmers has been increased by 700 times since 1996. In the past one year, the US has provided an additional $26 billion to its farmers. In absolute terms, the farm support in the OECD countries increased by 8 per cent to reach a staggering $360 billion in 1998. While in India we provide only $1 billion worth of indirect subsidies to more than 550 million farmers.

Even in the case of special safeguards on agriculture products, the proposals range from continuing with the provisions in its current form to its abolition. Only 38 out of 140 WTO members currently have the right to use such special safeguards in case agriculture imports distort their domestic market. All of these are developed nations. The rules related to export subsidies are also unequal, because currently only 25 WTO members can subsidies their agricultural exports.

A series of nimble-footed responses is warranted by the current state of global trade in agricultural commodities, which is marked by rapidly crumbling prices Are we ready for this? Are we prepared for it? Are we ready to fight for 600 million of our farmers and millions of other labour force compulsively dependent on agricultural activity for survival?

--CNF

Brazil: Duloren - the Benetton of Brazil

By Marlinelza B de Oliveira

Prisoner Lúcia Maria Costa da Silva is serving time in the female prison Romeiro Neto. Unemployed cleaner Jeane Mattos Ribeiro lives in Rocinha, considered the biggest shantytown in Latin America. Both are 27 years old and are the latest discoveries of Duloren, one of the biggest lingerie manufacturing companies in Brazil.

Duloren, which was founded 38 years ago and today provides employment to 2,000 people, has chosen ordinary women to act as models for their newest advertising campaign.

"Our products are directed at women who are not dominated by men. They have a point of view, which we are trying to convey through our advertisements," says Roni Argalji, President of Duloren. The company distributes 15,00,000 (1.5 million) pieces of lingerie every month through 16,000 spots of sale all over the country. But more than projecting the point of view of thinking women, Duloren has managed, much like the apparel company Benetton, to generate a lot of controversies through its advertisements.

For instance, for International Women's Day, the company came up with a campaign featuring a quadriplegic model, Mara Gabrilli. The company's advertising campaigns have also covered other taboo topics like transvestitism and racism.

Duloren faced the wrath of the Catholic Church for its campaign in 1994 when its advertisement showed a woman wearing a nun's habit and revealing lingerie. She had behind her the mountain of Corcovado with the statue of Christ the Redeemer, the symbol of Rio de Janeiro.

For this year, the company has earmarked two themes: Jeane Mattos Ribeiro, a coloured, single mother of a nine-year-old boy, will represent Brazilian mothers on Mother's Day. The other star for this year's campaign is Lúcia Maria Costa da Silva, accused of fraud, murder and stealing, who was sentenced to 18 years in prison. Silva has served her term for six years and is now in a semi-open regime. According to Argalji, the company chose women and prisons as its theme for this year because of the Brazilian prison revolt in February, considered the biggest revolt in Brazilian history. First City Command, a criminal gang claiming to be the union for prisoners, organised - mostly by using mobile phones to contact jail inmates - simultaneous uprisings in 29 prisons of Săo Paulo. The rebellion set off a nation-wide debate, with everybody agreeing at the end of the day that the penal system was crumbling and needed to be changed.

"Even a woman in prison wears lingerie. And Silva is in a semi-open regime, which means that she wants to be reinstated in society. Of course, there are many prisoners who are not interested in reforming. But the objective of the ampaign is to show that there are also many others just waiting for another chance," says Argalji.

Lesbianism was the company's theme in 1996. The company shocked everybody with its advertisement showing two women kissing. "Our campaigns force people to discuss such issues in public. Many of our campaigns have been criticised, while others have been applauded. This is our advertising concept. I can't just put a woman wearing lingerie seated in a chair. That is a very common form of advertising, it is not Duloren," says Argalji.

In 1997, when the bill to legalise abortion was being discussed in the National Congress, the focus of Duloren's campaign was a woman in lingerie being raped.

Feminist groups, however, did not approve of the advertisement and complained that the campaign insinuated that wearing scanty clothing encourages rape. Duloren had an answer to this accusation though. Says Argalji, "What we were saying through the advertisement was that we are in favour of abortion if the pregnancy is a result of rape." Abortion is legal in Brazil only on grounds of rape, incest or to save the life of the pregnant mother. Otherwise, abortion is considered a crime, punishable under law with the sentence ranging from six to 24 years.

Whatever Duloren's thinking behind the campaigns, some argue that the very fact that they are generating enough interest is reason enough to assume that the company is on the right track when it comes to marketing strategies. (WFS)

 



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