EDITORIAL
UNHELPFUL
PAK AGENT
Adopting
more-loyal-than-the-king attitude, Syed Ali Shah Geelani,
senior leader of Kashmirs Jamaat-e-Islami, is all
praise for Pakistans military Government headed by
Gen. Parvez Musharraf. And even as he continues to
consume Indian rice and salt and is fond of as much
Indian currency notes as possible, Geelani derives
tremendous pleasure from chanting two types of
slogans-Pakistan zindabad and Hindustan
murdabad. He, however, requires to be appreciated
for his consistency in his pro-Pakistan views. As such,
he cannot be faulted for his latest pronouncement, which,
in fact, is the repetition of what he has all along been
saying. "I am in favour of Kashmir merging with
Pakistan", he said and added: "I believe the
interest of Kashmir will be best served if it is part of
Pakistan". Geelanis formula-indeed, he spoke
the language of Islamabad-after his yet another quiet
session with the New Delhi-based Pakistan High
Commissioner, Qazi Ashraf Jehangir, assumes much
importance in the context of the ......more
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India:
Into German Modern dance, Link by Linke
By Aditi De
Maybe I like to dance because in the first six years of
my life, I could not speak. As a baby,...more
Kenya:
Naked mothers
fight for Justice
By Charles Wachira
In the absence of a credible justice system, women in
rural Kenya have gone back....more
Agriculture
: Unequal
war at the WTO
By Arun Pratap Singh
With the conclusion of the first phase of agriculture
negotiations at WTO, the process has entered a far
more....more
Brazil:
Duloren - the Benetton of Brazil
By Marlinelza B de Oliveira
Prisoner Lúcia Maria Costa da Silva is serving time in
the female prison Romeiro Neto. Unemployed cleaner Jeane
Mattos .....more
|
EDITORIAL
UNHELPFUL PAK AGENT
Adopting
more-loyal-than-the-king attitude, Syed Ali Shah Geelani,
senior leader of Kashmirs Jamaat-e-Islami, is all
praise for Pakistans military Government headed by
Gen. Parvez Musharraf. And even as he continues to
consume Indian rice and salt and is fond of as much
Indian currency notes as possible, Geelani derives
tremendous pleasure from chanting two types of
slogans-Pakistan zindabad and Hindustan
murdabad. He, however, requires to be appreciated
for his consistency in his pro-Pakistan views. As such,
he cannot be faulted for his latest pronouncement, which,
in fact, is the repetition of what he has all along been
saying. "I am in favour of Kashmir merging with
Pakistan", he said and added: "I believe the
interest of Kashmir will be best served if it is part of
Pakistan". Geelanis formula-indeed, he spoke
the language of Islamabad-after his yet another quiet
session with the New Delhi-based Pakistan High
Commissioner, Qazi Ashraf Jehangir, assumes much
importance in the context of the renewed offensive by
Pakistan-sponsored jihadis in various parts
of Jammu and Kashmir. A section of activists of the
All-Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC), particularly the
moderates, had expected Geelani to support caution at a
time when the death dance in the Valley had acquired
alarming proportions. As Geelani apparently got
emboldened because of the failures of the Government of
India, one after another, on the Kashmir scene, it was
natural for a "committed Pakistani patriot"
like him to highlight the need and relevance of the
demand for Kashmirs integration with Pakistan.
Geelani is famous among the hordes of Pakistani agents.
He is infamous among the Indian agents. Since his
constituency comprises primarily Pakistani agents and
advocates of militant Islam, his emphasis on the demand
for involving Pakistan in any talks on the future of
Kashmir is not unexpected. In spite of his liking for the
slogan "Hindustan murdabad", Geelani is not
opposed to the idea of Indo-Pak amity. Yet, he has
strongly expressed himself against bilateralism
vis-ŕ-vis the Kashmir issue. Geelani, who has also been
emboldened by the inability of the moderates within the
Hurriyat Conference to isolate him and his camp, injected
a new element into the situation by stating in an
interview with a news web-site that bilateralism is an
"unhelpful format" for resolving the Kashmir
problem. The position of the moderates-Geelani is a known
hardliner-who had welcomed New Delhis unilateral
cease-fire in J&K, is increasingly untenable. These
moderates cannot be faulted for the manner in which they
hardened their position. Why the hardening of the stance?
An answer to this question is not far to seek. Clearly,
by doing so they sought to retain their credibility among
the Kashmiri Muslims. How could the Hurriyat Conference
expect the Government of India to talk to only the
representatives of the APHC when there are other leaders
and groups operating in J&K? As part of its plan to
ensure that there was not any howl of protest from the
National Conference and other political groups, notably
in Jammu region and Ladakh, the Vajpayee Government
announced that it intended to talk to all groups,
including non-political ones like trade unions. This
worsened the Hurriyats dilemma, for it raised the
price of a dialogue to include not just the abandonment
of the Pakistan trip but also acceptance that it was not
different from groups that had not shed a drop of blood
in defence of Kashmirs ethno-nationalism. At a time
when New Delhis chief negotiator on Kashmir, KC
Pant, had begun to prepare himself for a visit to Jammu
and Kashmir, Pakistans principal
salesman (Geelani) chose to drop the brick:
The only solution is tripartite talks-involving Pakistan,
India and the Kashmiri people-and the United Nations
resolutions on Kashmir. Geelanis loyalty to
Pakistan is unquestionable. But was he briefed by
Pakistans High Commissioner before he told the news
web-site that the damage done by the Tashkent and Shimla
agreements and the Lahore Declaration to the
international status of the Kashmir issue "is
irreparable"? Was he also trying to present his
masters voice when, in a bid to further embarrass
the powers-that-be in New Delhi and Srinagar, he
justified jihad in Kashmir? And
Geelanis significant query: "If jihad is
not justified in Kashmir, where else would it be?"
Equally significant was his diatribe against the previous
regimes in Islamabad. His description of the Mushraff
regimes Kashmir policy as "very positive and
realistic" is obviously the outcome of
Islamabads greater trust and confidence in him than
in other top leaders of the APHC. His critics, at the
same time, have also termed as "very positive and
realistic" the dialogue process initiated by the
Vajpayee Government with various leaders and groups and
parties in Jammu and Kashmir. It is a different matter
that vested interests and unhelpful schemers like Geelani
and his supporters within the right-wing Jamaat-e-Islami
and its military wing, Hizbul Mujahideen, may love and
like to create hurdles for KC Pant. Geelani requires to
be informed that he, too, will, like his ally, Sheikh
Aziz, get an opportunity in the near future to be in
Islamabad and kiss the soil of Pakistan. If reports doing
the rounds this time in the Indian capital were to be
believed, KC Pant has, in his separate meetings with the
Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, and the Home
Minister, LK Advani, on certain men and matters in
J&K, favoured the idea of allowing the Hurriyat
leaders to visit Pakistan. These leaders, including the
controversial man under reference (Geelani), can, it has
been argued, go to Pakistan as representatives of their
respective groups-not as emissaries of the Government of
India. Geelanis renewed attempt to dictate his own
agenda to the rest of the crowd in the 23-party
conglomerate has, to say the least, confirmed reports
that the Hurriyat leadership remains divided. With
Geelani welcoming the jihadis and
campaigning for a merger with Pakistan, the moderates
have been found remaining vulnerable to exhortations in
the name of Islam. No Hurriyat leader has so far publicly
underlined the huge differences that exist between
Kashmiri sufi Islam and the extreme Deobandi
and Wahabi Islam that is sweeping over Pakistan.
Moderates as well as hard-liners within the Hurriyat
Conference may differ with each other on some other
issues but they seem united on one thing-that is, to keep
on harassing and embarrassing the Government by
highlighting the "excesses" by the Indian
security forces in Kashmir in the past one decade or so.
But no Hurriyat leader has publicly acknowledged that
prominent Kashmiri leaders like Mirwaiz Farooq, Maulana
Masoodi and Abdul Ahad Guru were killed not by Indian
security forces but by extremist pro-Pakistan
organisations. No Hurriyat leader has ever criticised
Pakistan in public for unleashing the jihadis on
Kashmir or the ISI for master-minding some of the
assassinations that have rocked the Valley. Why this
one-sidedness? The reasons for it are easy to understand
and appreciate. Apart from other pressures, Hurriyat
leaders live in constant fear for their lives. They have
to, in the altered scenario, muster courage and come
forward to talk with New Delhi. And the talk they can
hold without giving up their demand that the Hurriyat
team be allowed to visit Pakistan.
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India:
Into German Modern dance, Link by Linke
By Aditi
De
Maybe I
like to dance because in the first six
years of my life, I could not speak. As a
baby, I had meningitis so I used my body
to express myself. Then, I went to a
special school and in one-and-a-half
years I learnt the German language,"
Susanne Linke, a leading German
contemporary dancer, had confessed on her
first solo tour of India in 1985.
Since then
Linke has returned to India four times,
the last time as a part of the recently
concluded German Festival in India. On
this tour she presented an evening titled
'Uber Kreuz,' (Crosswise) in
collaboration with Reinhild Hoffmn, her
former choreography course mate from the
Folkwang High School at Essen. The tour
covered New Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai,
Bangalore, Ahmedabad and Mumbai.
What was
the avant-garde, 70-minute programme set
to the unusual music of Helmut Lachenmann
and Salvatore Sciarrino, about? "The
cross stands for crossing ways, energies
or an orientation in space,"
explains Linke, who is in her mid-50s
today. "The choreography uses three
different symbols - the cross of the
axis, the cross of the diagonal and the
cross of the body," she adds.
The result
is two strong individual dancers, never
quite dancing in harmony, crisscrossing
onstage in joint and solo pieces that
trace transformations in their styles and
choreography.
'Uber
Kreuz' is part of a three-fold dance
project, based on the theme of the cross.
Historically, both Linke and Hoffmann are
linked to the German modern dance
tradition originating from Rudolf von
Laban.
What makes
German modern dance such a force to
contend with? Bremen-based Linke,
regarded as one of the most
individualistic spirits to shape the
current trend, sees it thus: "In
Germany, we haven't had major classical
ballet choreographers, but we have much
modern dance. Mary Wigman was a pioneer.
So was Kurt Joss, who was good at group
choreography. Wigman was a very strong
woman, who broke the old tradition to
make something new."
And what
of her own generation? "Modern dance
is always looking for change. Our
contemporary, Pina Bausch's dance, is the
best example," explains
freckle-faced Linke, her hands shaping
forms in the air around her.
"Through her, German dance has got
worldwide exposure.
With our
generation, our dance caught world
attention. But it took a long time after
World War II to do something new. In
Germany, we tend to live in disharmony.
Our thinking is negative. Maybe because
we're right at the centre of Europe and
most wars start in Germany."
As an
aside, Linke turns to the colours of
India, including the azure and pastel
greens she drapes herself in at
Bangalore, "You wear these beautiful
colours. In Germany, what do women wear?
Black and grey. It's horrible. But I
don't dare to go out in Germany with
these colours."
How does
Linke, who has done several workshops
with breakaway dancer Chandralekha, view
the East-West dance divide? "Indian
dancers have fuller bodies. They
emphasise the eyes and hands more than we
do," she says. "I feel very
comfortable with Indian dance. It's
easier to get into the movement and
mentality of Indian dance than into
classical ballet. If I were to live
again, perhaps I'd choose Kathakali,
which expresses the depths of humanity.
Bharatanatyam is more feminine; Odissi
looks so erotic."
What's
special about dance training in the
modern style? "I think it takes 10
years to train a body to be a dance
instrument, to feel natural," Linke
explains. "After three years, your
body will have the discipline, but it
wouldn't have reached you inside.
When I do
warm-ups, I sometimes do Indian
movements, which come naturally. In
1965-66, I even took a class in the
Rabindranath Tagore dance style in
Berlin."
What
defines German dance today? "We try
to express through movement and
expression what moves us most. It's
always related to the human being, not
only to form and shape, which relates to
inner time," says Linke. "We
don't have a narrative form. It does not
interest us. As modern dancers, we are
not conscious of the muscles of our
faces. The emotion within comes through
the face, but not consciously. The
important thing is to be cool, to be over
everything. That is the western
way."
Over the
years of being one of Germany's most
influential choreographers, has Linke's
definition of dance changed?
"No," she avers. "To me,
it remains the spirit that comes into
rhythmical movement."
As Susanne
Linke springs up, her feet placed at an
angle, her arms thrown into the breeze,
her body in startling motion, her
expressions just seconds in facial
transit, she leaves us in no doubt about
what makes her tick. The spirit of her
dance is the steel of her soul. (WFS)
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Kenya:
Naked mothers fight for Justice
By
Charles Wachira
In the
absence of a credible justice system,
women in rural Kenya have gone back to a
pristine tradition: Undressing in public
to symbolise their resistance to what
they perceive as unjust. And if a recent
incident is anything to go by, this form
of protest is bearing positive results.
Three
hundred women - all naked - chased away
scientists involved in a World Bank
primate research project which sought to
relocate them from their ancestral land.
According to Suleiman Mbaruk, who is
heading the project, not less than 2,000
families were targeted for relocation.
The
indigenous people in the coastal enclave
of the Tana River District are opposed to
the project because they believe that
there is too much at stake. "We will
not allow the project to go ahead. Our
forefathers are buried here. This is the
only place that we can truly call our
home. Our memories are all here. How then
do you expect us to just move so as to
pave way for a project? That will not
happen. If need be, we shall fight to the
last person," says Chema Cheko, an
elder from the region.
But what
does women parading naked have to do with
the project? According to Cheko,
traditionally the torso of a naked woman
was held in fear, particularly if it was
of a mother. Explains he, "Imagine
looking at your mother's naked body. The
effect is stronger if the rite of
undressing is done as a statement of
protest. Everybody - even the gods - know
that emerging naked in public is the most
extreme show of pain for a woman. In a
sense it's a spiritual sacrifice."
As was to
be expected, the government dismissed the
suggestion that going ahead with the
project was being unfair to the people
who are being displaced. Instead, the
government has maintained that its
critics are hypocrites who are playing to
international galleries in the hope that
they will be able to organise some funds
for themselves.
Joseph
Kamotho, the Secretary General of the
country's ruling party, KANU, sees a
sinister plot in the accusations.
"The government is inclined to
provide our people with nearly all their
requirements. All those people who are
making noises about the KANU government
are jealous of our achievements," he
says.
But the
accusations being made against the
government are not without foundation.
Human rights organisations, both local
and international like Amnesty
International, Kenya's Federation of
Women lawyers (FIDA) and the Kenya Human
Rights Commission (KHRC) have
intermittently pointed out that Kenya is
an accident waiting to happen.
For
example, a recent FIDA report titled 'The
making of a rogue State' indicts the
present administration for malfeasance
and warns that unless corrective measures
are carried through "... the
governed will rise up against the
governor once the cup of endurance runs
over". The report also maintains
that the people have been forced to seek
ingenious methods to sort out their
problems which is a clear indication that
very soon the people may revolt against
the government as well.
And taking
the lead in these protests are women.
Some Kenyan communities like Kikuyu - the
country's numerically superior ethnic
group - compare God with women,
particularly mothers - which is a strong
indication of the reverence and clout
that is associated with the female
gender. For instance, a Kikuyu
traditional saying states that a mother
is considered a second God. At another
level, protests by women are seen as
God's acceptance that He would intervene
and adjudicate in favour of those
aggrieved.
In
addition, explains Wangare, a member of
the Kikuyu community, the nude act ought
to be followed simultaneously with action
to alert the broader society of the
discrimination that has taken place
against a particular section.
According
to Professor Geoffrey Muruiki of the
University of Nairobi's Department of
Sociology, this practice has been
forgotten due to the twin forces of
formal education and western influence.
Says he,
"Formal schooling today has very
little regard for some cultural ethos of
the past.
In
essence, the laissez faire spirit
inherent in the money economy has
subsumed the psyche of the Kenyan people
and relegated most traditions to the
realm of ambiguity." Women had first
lodged the nude protest 10 years ago
against the government when 40 of them
got together to protest against the
government's action of indefinitely
detaining their sons in the state
penitentiary. When their initial protests
fell on deaf ears, the mothers of
political detainees along with other
sympathisers performed the nude act to
register their annoyance.
But
President Daniel Arap Moi would have none
of it. He ordered a posse of armed
policemen to break the vigil. Unmoved by
the mere presence of the forces, the
women only left after the police used
tear gas.
For now,
the primate project is in limbo thanks to
the impasse resulting from the nude act.
If tradition holds, this will see the
locals emerge victorious. But in Moi's
Kenya, you can't count on it. (WFS)
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Agriculture
: Unequal war at the WTO
By Arun Pratap Singh
With the
conclusion of the first phase of agriculture
negotiations at WTO, the process has entered a
far more challenging and tougher second phase
because of the sharp divergence of views and
positions of the member countries. Also the
hegemony of the developed came to the fore like
never before during the course of the first round
of talks.
The Indian
Government has reportedly finalised the agenda
for the second phase of the farm talks. According
to the details of the second phase of work
programme on negotiations on agriculture, three
special session meeting would be held
back-to-back with the regular meetings of the
Committee on Agriculture in September and
December 2001 and in March 2002. So far for India
and the rest of the developing world, the
anticipated gains from the trade liberalisation
process are negligible. Yet the government
continues to push forward the second phase of
reforms aggressively without giving due thought
to the consequences and the real economic fallout
of the new policies. It does not even seem
bothered about the increasing number of suicides
by farmers in several states and the decreasing
economic viability of cultivation.
While the captains
of Indian industry and even the media cries for
removal of subsidies in the agriculture blaming
them for our economic ills, the matter of fact is
that India has only 3% agriculture subsidy
against 30% to 40% in a majority of developed
countries. So all the noise about the high
ranging subsidies is just not fair. The amount of
subsidy that goes into agriculture is far less
than what has gone to the industrial sector.
Add to this the
total lack of the rural infrastructure; the
Indian farmer is no match for his western
counterpart. Much of the cultivation is still
rain-fed, there are just not enough storage and
cold storage facilities, and there is total lack
of credit at reasonable interest. Rural roads,
transport and communication are in shambles. In
no way the farmers can bring down their cost of
cultivation to compete with the import glut sure
to follow in not a very distant future.
The very process
by which negotiations are conducted and
concluded, work to the disadvantage of developing
countries. That is another matter thought that
even the negotiations were carried out in most
unjust and undemocratic manner with the sole
objective being only to help the cause of the
developed world. US Trade Representative Charlene
Barshefsky after the revolt of the
representatives of developing countries during
the course of last round of discussions on
agriculture had to concede; ''The process... was
a rather exclusionary one,'' she admitted.'' All
meetings were held between 20 and 30. key
countries. And that meant 100 countries, 100,
were never in the room... This led to an
extraordinarily bad feeling that they were left
out of the process and that the results.. had
been dictated to them by the 25 or 30 privileged
countries who were in the room.''
Many developing
countries are at considerable practical
disadvantage in participating in WTO processes
and negotiations, due to their lack of skilled
personal and the high cost of maintaining an
adequate-size-delegation to deal with trade
matters. Furthermore, the structural weaknesses
of most developing countries mean that they are
unable to use the dispute settlement procedures
to full effect, being limited in their capacity
to defend themselves, to bring disputes before
the dispute settlement mechanism, and, indeed,
the possibility of using and to pursue
retaliation against a non-complying party or
parties especially if they happen to be major
trading powers from the North.
Even a United
Nations-appointed study team has labelled the
World Trade Organization a ''nightmare'' for
developing countries and suggested the body
should be brought under the UN's purview. In a
report presented a few months back to the UN's
sub-commission on protection of human rights, the
team also dismisses WTO's open trading rules as
based ''on grossly unfair and even prejudiced''
assumptions.
The report also
calls for a ''radical review of the whole system
of trade liberalization'' and critical
consideration of whether it is geared toward
shared benefits ''for rich and poor countries
alike. But although it echoes criticism of the
trade body from Western anti-globalisation
groupings, the 40-page report rejects the idea
many of those groupings promote of linking trade
rules to human rights, labour and environmental
standards.
The conclusions of
the first round of talks have resulted in
widespread protests and movements throughout the
world and more so in the third world. What is
worrying the most is the lack of any concern for
the large number of poor and the malnourished
people, more than 205 million in India itself.
While in theory the WTO may have been well
conceived, selfish trade interests and unequal
competitions have worked against its just
managements and its advocated objectives.
It cannot be
denied by anybody that in reality, in the past
five years the WTO has contributed to the
concentration of wealth in the hands of the rich
few; increasing poverty for the majority of the
world's population; and unsustainable patterns of
production and consumption. Another fact, which
cannot escape a deep insight into the current
state of affairs at the WTO, is the hold that the
multinational corporations are having at every
stage of negotiations. Governments of the rich
countries, heavily influenced by corporate
lobbyists, have given sweeping rights to
multinational companies. These rights are being
strictly enforced by the World Trade Organisation
(WTO) with disastrous consequences for people
around the world. Now the governments are
proposing to further expand WTO's mandate which
may give unprecedented new powers to the
corporate giants.
By signing on the
Agreement on Agriculture (AOA), developing
countries discovered that they had agreed to open
up their markets while allowing the big
agricultural superpowers to consolidate their
system of subsidized agricultural production.
This led to the massive dumping of surpluses on
those very markets, a process that was, in turn,
destroying small holdings-based agriculture. In
India majority of the farmers have small and even
marginal holdings of land.
The WTO Agreement
on Agriculture had incorporated three broad areas
of commitments from member-states, market access,
domestic support and export subsidies. The
underlying objective ostensibly being to correct
and prevent restrictions and distortions in world
agricultural markets. But more than five years
later, the implications and consequences of the
founding of the WTO had become as clear to large
numbers of people as robbery carried out in broad
economic governance that would provide the
necessary rules to facilitate the growth of
global trade and the spread of its beneficial
effects. What we see today is an entirely
different situation.
Politically, the
entire matter of globalisation of trade has
always been a volatile issue. But politics apart,
serious aspersions have been cast on the real
implications of the agriculture agreement for the
developing countries. A recent FAO study
concludes ther has been hardly any change in
volume of exports. Tariff peaks continue to block
exports from the developing countries. Tariffs
still remain very high, especially for cereals,
sugar and dairy products. Sanitary and
phytosanitary measures continue to be a major
barrier in diversifying exports in horticulture
and meat products.
Selective
reductions in tariffs by the developed countries
have also blocked the exports from developing
countries. The United States had 244 percent of
import duty on sugar and 174 percent on
groundnuts. These have been only marginally
brought down. On several other items also the
import duty continues to be high. European Union
levied 200 percent of import duty on beef 168
percent on wheat and 144 percent on meat. Japan
imposed an empirical 388 percent duty on wheat
products and 352 percent on wheat. Other
developed nations like Australia, New Zealand and
Canada are not far behind. These facts only
expose the hypocrisy of the developed countries.
The opening of the
markets, in the post-Uruguay Round phase, has
taken place mainly in the developing countries.
The share of exports from developing countries,
which constitute over three-fourths of the WTO
membership, continues to remain around 30% of the
world trade in agriculture. This is less than
what it was 25-30 years ago. The anticipated
increase in exports from developing to developed
countries, thus, has not materialised.
Among the three
major developed regions, Western Europe is the
most important market for agriculture exports
from developing countries, but the share of total
agriculture exports from developing countries
into Western Europe has declined from 28˝ per
cent in 1994 to 28 percent in 1998. The share of
agriculture exports of developing countries into
Japan has also fallen from 14˝% to 11˝% during
this period. As far as India is concerned, we are
not much of a trading nation; our international
trade constitutes a mere 0.6 percent of the
global trade, although we are one of the largest
producers of agriculture products.
Although all
nations are obliged under WTO rules to reduce
agricultural subsidies that are deemed ''trade
distoring'', the application of these rules as
mentioned above has been conspicuously
asymmetric. A big disquieting feature of the
global trade situation in agriculture is the
relentless increase in subsidies in the advanced
countries. Agriculture was, till the very last
days of negotiations, considered a potential
''deal breaker'' because of fundamental
divergences between the European Union, Japan and
the US. The compromise involving these three
major trading entities, when it was crafted,
allowed for a number of exemptions from the
subsidy discipline envisaged, which they have
since utilised to the hilt.
Shrewd
manipulation of their subsidy reduction
commitments has in reality increased the support
to farmers in the developed countries.
In the US, subsidy
for mere one lakh farmers has been increased by
700 times since 1996. In the past one year, the
US has provided an additional $26 billion to its
farmers. In absolute terms, the farm support in
the OECD countries increased by 8 per cent to
reach a staggering $360 billion in 1998. While in
India we provide only $1 billion worth of
indirect subsidies to more than 550 million
farmers.
Even in the case
of special safeguards on agriculture products,
the proposals range from continuing with the
provisions in its current form to its abolition.
Only 38 out of 140 WTO members currently have the
right to use such special safeguards in case
agriculture imports distort their domestic
market. All of these are developed nations. The
rules related to export subsidies are also
unequal, because currently only 25 WTO members
can subsidies their agricultural exports.
A series of
nimble-footed responses is warranted by the
current state of global trade in agricultural
commodities, which is marked by rapidly crumbling
prices Are we ready for this? Are we prepared for
it? Are we ready to fight for 600 million of our
farmers and millions of other labour force
compulsively dependent on agricultural activity
for survival?
--CNF
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Brazil:
Duloren - the Benetton of Brazil
By Marlinelza B de
Oliveira
Prisoner Lúcia
Maria Costa da Silva is serving time in the
female prison Romeiro Neto. Unemployed cleaner
Jeane Mattos Ribeiro lives in Rocinha, considered
the biggest shantytown in Latin America. Both are
27 years old and are the latest discoveries of
Duloren, one of the biggest lingerie
manufacturing companies in Brazil.
Duloren, which was
founded 38 years ago and today provides
employment to 2,000 people, has chosen ordinary
women to act as models for their newest
advertising campaign.
"Our products
are directed at women who are not dominated by
men. They have a point of view, which we are
trying to convey through our
advertisements," says Roni Argalji,
President of Duloren. The company distributes
15,00,000 (1.5 million) pieces of lingerie every
month through 16,000 spots of sale all over the
country. But more than projecting the point of
view of thinking women, Duloren has managed, much
like the apparel company Benetton, to generate a
lot of controversies through its advertisements.
For instance, for
International Women's Day, the company came up
with a campaign featuring a quadriplegic model,
Mara Gabrilli. The company's advertising
campaigns have also covered other taboo topics
like transvestitism and racism.
Duloren faced the
wrath of the Catholic Church for its campaign in
1994 when its advertisement showed a woman
wearing a nun's habit and revealing lingerie. She
had behind her the mountain of Corcovado with the
statue of Christ the Redeemer, the symbol of Rio
de Janeiro.
For this year, the
company has earmarked two themes: Jeane Mattos
Ribeiro, a coloured, single mother of a
nine-year-old boy, will represent Brazilian
mothers on Mother's Day. The other star for this
year's campaign is Lúcia Maria Costa da Silva,
accused of fraud, murder and stealing, who was
sentenced to 18 years in prison. Silva has served
her term for six years and is now in a semi-open
regime. According to Argalji, the company chose
women and prisons as its theme for this year
because of the Brazilian prison revolt in
February, considered the biggest revolt in
Brazilian history. First City Command, a criminal
gang claiming to be the union for prisoners,
organised - mostly by using mobile phones to
contact jail inmates - simultaneous uprisings in
29 prisons of Săo Paulo. The rebellion set off a
nation-wide debate, with everybody agreeing at
the end of the day that the penal system was
crumbling and needed to be changed.
"Even a woman
in prison wears lingerie. And Silva is in a
semi-open regime, which means that she wants to
be reinstated in society. Of course, there are
many prisoners who are not interested in
reforming. But the objective of the ampaign is to
show that there are also many others just waiting
for another chance," says Argalji.
Lesbianism was the
company's theme in 1996. The company shocked
everybody with its advertisement showing two
women kissing. "Our campaigns force people
to discuss such issues in public. Many of our
campaigns have been criticised, while others have
been applauded. This is our advertising concept.
I can't just put a woman wearing lingerie seated
in a chair. That is a very common form of
advertising, it is not Duloren," says
Argalji.
In 1997, when the
bill to legalise abortion was being discussed in
the National Congress, the focus of Duloren's
campaign was a woman in lingerie being raped.
Feminist groups,
however, did not approve of the advertisement and
complained that the campaign insinuated that
wearing scanty clothing encourages rape. Duloren
had an answer to this accusation though. Says
Argalji, "What we were saying through the
advertisement was that we are in favour of
abortion if the pregnancy is a result of
rape." Abortion is legal in Brazil only on
grounds of rape, incest or to save the life of
the pregnant mother. Otherwise, abortion is
considered a crime, punishable under law with the
sentence ranging from six to 24 years.
Whatever Duloren's
thinking behind the campaigns, some argue that
the very fact that they are generating enough
interest is reason enough to assume that the
company is on the right track when it comes to
marketing strategies. (WFS)
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