EDITORIAL
WHITHER J&K
CONGRESS?
The Congress High
Command's stubborn resistance to the demands of the
dissidents for removal of the Jammu and Kashmir Pradesh
Congress Committee chief, Mr Mohammad Shafi Qureshi and
the firm resolve of the rebels not to work under the
controversial Mr Qureshi has deepened the crisis in the
State unit of the party. The recalcitrant Congressmen
have been waging a relentless war against the not too
popular Mr Qureshi and pestering the Central leadership
for a change of leadership of the JKPCC. They have
accused Qureshi of lack of qualities of leadership and
dubbed his year long stint as the PCC chief as an
unmitigated disaster. He has been accused of promoting
favouritism and encouraging factionalism. This former
Union Minister and Governor of Madhya Pradesh is charged
of having competely ignored the party work, failed to
establishing rapport with senior party leaders, ignoring
the grassroot Congressmen and thus bringing the party to
a sorry pass. The rebels have been time and again running
to the AICC headquarters in New Delhi to press the demand
for removal of the incumbent PCC chief. As many as 105 of
the 150-odd PCC members, including the three former
Congress chiefs --- Ghulam Rasool Kar, Ayub Khan and
Choudhari Mohammad Aslam, submitted a signed memorandum
to the party supremo Ms Sonia Gandhi sometime back,
listing their grievances and seeking the scalp of
Qureshi. Having imposed him on the faction-ridden State
unit, the high command is charry of showing Qureshi the
door, because it would be a tacit admission of having
foisting not too popular on the State unit. Having failed
to persuade the adament rebels to fall in live and
support Qureshi, the high command has finally decided to
persist with him regardless of the consequences. They
have refused to swallow the bait of due representation in
a revamped PCC and party tickets for them in the coming
Assembly elections. The offer of appointment of Mangat
Ram Sharma and Peerzada Mohammad Saeed as Working
President in Jammu Region and Kashmir valley
respectively, has failed to enthuse the rebels and they
have decided to continue their non-cooperation movement
till Qureshi heads the PCC. The dissidents have been
boycotting all the functions organised by the supporters
of Qureshi so much so that abstained from meetings
arranged by him in honour of AICC General Secretary and
in-charge party affairs in J&K, Ms Mohsina Kidwai
during her two visits to Jammu and Kashmir recently. Open
defiance of Ms Kidwai's diktat to discipline themselves
and support Qureshi has irked the Central leadership.
Even veiled threats of disciplinary action has failed to
work. There is every possibility of their en masse
suspension or expulsion from the party in the near
future. But so intense is the hostility towards Qureshi
that the dissidents are prepared for any consequences. As
and when the high command cracks the whip against the
dissident leaders, it will, by implication, deal with a
crippling blow on the much debilitated J&K Congress.
The party has yet to recover from the fall out of Mufti
Mohammad Syeed's decision about 2 years ago to walk out
of the party and float a regional party under the name
and banner of the Peoples Democratic Party. Many a rebel
Congressmen are sending feelers to the Mufti if they
could be accommodated in his party. Men like Kar have
meanwhile established bridges with the ruling National
Conference and dropped enough hints that they would jump
over to the Farooq band-wagon at an opportune moment.
Other may float a regional outfit on the lines of
Trinamool Congress. As and when the high command shows
the door to the recalcitrants, it would open the
flood-gates of exodus from the already decaying party in
Jammu and Kashmir. Qureshi has undoubtedly failed to
exhibit his claimed qualities of leadership, curb intense
infighting in the party at all levels, and reinvigorate
the party for the coming elections. The Central
leadership of the party is guilty of foisting unwanted
men on the JKPCC and then removing them unceremoniously.
Three change of leaderships have been affected within a
span of less four years. Kar and Aslam were sacked in
quick succession following a relentless campaign for
their removal by the dissidents. Will Qureshi be booted
out in a similar fashion? Or, will the Central leadership
persist with Qureshi, even though it may lead to the
disintegration of the already marginalised Congress in
the State? Your guess is as good as ours.
WHENCE NOW?
The circumstances
surrounding the Pakistan delegation's midnight departure
for Islamabad --- unreal expectations of personal
chemistry, unsurprising disappointment, and a stampede by
demanding press persons ---- encapsulate was played out
over three days during the Agra summit seemed a colossal
failure, but in fact it has provided both a beginning for
eventual reconciliation, and a reality checks for those
who imagine that simply getting two leaders to sit down
together can erase five decades of hostility and
bitterness, where do we go from here? The deadlock at
Agra need not be taken as reaching end of the road in
bilateral relations. The threads of peace will have to be
picked up. This is not only a necessity but a compulsion
with the sub-continent being a high tension spot coupled
with global realities. Salvage operations have already
been launched. External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh
and his Pakistani counterpart Abdul Sattar have made
valient efforts to prevent the summit from being
consigned to the dustbin of good-intentioned but
misplaced attempts at Indo-Pak reconciliation. True,
there was no significant breakthrough at Agra, but it is
equally true that there was no breakdown either. There is
no need to be overtly pessimistic over the set-back on
Monday. It is often forgotten that the 1972 Shimla, talks
were also publicly declared to have failed by Indira
Gandhi's principal secretary P N Dhar. However, at the
last minute, Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto held
their famous "walk on the ridge" in Shimla.
Their few minutes together was enough for them to come a
last minute settlement that was signed in the middle of
the night. As long as Musharraf and Vajpayee talk, this
could be repeated. Another possibility is a holding
action. India and Pakistan announce the barest of joint
statements or even two separate statements ---- saying
the same thing, basically saying nothing except that the
two will hold future summits. It is gratifying to note
that Jaswant Singh and Abdul Sattar have already done the
same. Thus, they have saved the three future summits ---
Prime Minister Vajpayee's visit to Islamabad, the side
meeting at the United Nations General Assembly in
September and the SAARC summit in November. Apparently,
the meeting point remains as elusive as ever. A Pakistani
assurance on ceasing support to cross-border terrorism
would clearly reduce Pakistan's main bargaining leverage.
India, for its part cannot even think of discussing
Kashmir without highlighting the immense damage being
caused in the State on account of Pakistan - sponsored
terrorism. But if the Agra summit has a lesson, it is
this: patient dialogue can narrow down differences, the
expectation of equivalent return could lead to dramatic
compromises. It is a lesson evident in the fact that a
mutually agreed joint declaration seemed within touching
distance more than once that long Monday. But it is a
lesson that will have been disastrously unlearned if
India and Pakistan cease efforts at cooperation till the
next time their leaders' summit.
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A
Summit glossary
M J
Akbar
There is
so much misunderstanding about the
content and context of a summit meeting
that, in yet another effort to be of
service to the nation, or nations, The
Asian Age offers a glossary of useful
terms, in non-alphabetical order.
Summit: A
narrow space at the top of mountain,
capable of seating two and luring more
causing thereby a traffic jam.
Mountaineers sometimes confuse, in their
eagerness to reach the top, first or
second camp, where simultaneous parleys
and often scheduled, for the Summit.
However, some summits require their own,
carefully crafted route maps,
particularly it Hillary and Tenzing are
determined to go up without much oxygen.
Agra: A
city from antiquity made famous by the
Mughal emperors who built a splendid fort
when they ruled their empire from Agra,
and a splendid mausoleum when they
shifted to Delhi. The Mughal empire (like
the British after it) began to decline
from the moment it shifted its capital to
Delhi, although it is not clear whether
this fact has any relevance to summits.
Historically, Agra has been synonymous
with opportunity, rather than missed
opportunity.
Kashmir:
Technically, smaller than its problem.
Full name, as in passports, Jammu and
Kashmir. Cold in winter, hot in summer,
rainy in monsoon and beautiful all the
time. Contains a valley, 84 miles long
and roughly 20 miles wide, that costs
India and Pakistan approximately Rs
100,000 crores a year to fight over. When
Jahangir was asked about his one desire
on his deathbed, he said, "Kashmir,
the rest is worthless", which seems
to be the guiding principle of India and
Pakistan as well. A couplet that has
become more famous than the poet who
wrote it, Urfi, goes: Agra firdous bar
rul-e-zameen ast, Hamin ast-o-hamin
ast-o-hamin ast. In other words, if there
is Paradise on earth, it is here, it is
here, it is here,. An outstanding example
of the departing British and arriving
Indians to create generational wars over
a chimera. It can also take the form of
an elephant surrounded by blind men, each
convinced that a part of the problem is
the whole of it.
Plebiscite:
Quaint old Indo-Anglian word currently
out of fashion. Of Latin origin and, in
the view of many pundits as dead as that
language. Even the United Nations, not
known for its radical views on philology,
has pronounced the word officially dead,
Some diehards however cling on to it for
its alleged magical powers, as a mantra
for peace, prosperity and tourism in a
land of milk and honey.
Agenda: A
list of items that has the extraordinary
ability to look different when viewed
from different angles. For instance, one
side may find the agenda broad, while the
other, looking at the same piece of
paper, could find it to narrow. Has
certain deceptive qualities that give it
an elusive feel.
Alcohol:
Something that in the good old days used
to lubricate the Agenda but, alas, has
now retired into private life, where,
however, it still retains its powerful
and ennobling appeal.
Hurriyat:
A motley group of characters in search of
a role. When denied a place on the
Agenda, will settle for some tea instead.
Not necessarily unanimously. The
individuals who form this group are known
for disagreeing with each other almost as
much as they disagree with both friend
and foe. To push a pun, their nominal
leader, Lone, sometimes plays a Lone
hand. Their fame is variable, depending
on which one of them has found a
television camera for the day. For
instance, one of them, Geelani, became
famous for fifteen minutes when India's
home minister L K Advani denied him a
passport to visit Pakistan. The said
Geelani would not have become famous at
all if Advani had given him a passport,
along with a ticket, and told him to go
to Pakistan and stay there.
Farooq
Abdullah: A handsome if ageing politician
who divides his time between golf,
travel, sulking, singing (bhajan in
ghazal andaaz) and television
appearances. He has even been seen in
Srinagar, capital of Jammu and Kashmir
(see above). Summoned by India's Prime
Minister from a holiday in Europe to
create positive mood for Summit (see
further above).
Sheikh
Abdullah: Who he?
Talks: A
technical event between two parties
preceded by hot air and cold fear, both
heavily disguised in bluster and bravado.
Third parties, particularly if they are
Superpowers, are allowed to hover over
talks but they must remain unseen and
unheard by an independent power known
generally as the Media Empire.
Superpowers who eat up little nations for
breakfast and demand larger ones for
dinner are apprehensive of The Media
Empire and worry that media has the
capacity to drench any Summit with oil,
turning it slippery and making it
impossible for talkers to talk in any
degree to comfort.
Composite
Talks: Cultural variation of same theme,
linked to food habits. Composite talks
are like a thali; there has to be a
little bit of everything around a serving
of the main item, rice. Non-composite
talks are those that take the main item,
rice, spread it all across the plate,
offer nothing to shift the taste of the
meal. One person's talks is another
person's Composite Talks.
Retreat: A
place in which the principal summiteers
(viz Presidents and Prime Ministers) can
retreat from their own officials.
Example; if Mr Vajpayee and Mr Musharraf
feel the need to get from the heat
generated by their colleagues they may
lock up their contingents and
"retreat" to pleasanter
surroundings.
Media: An
empire outside the control of
conventional forces. The hastier
observers often compare The Media Empire
with certain Colombian sirens who drug
their breasts, entice motorists to stop
their cars and lick their breasts thereby
druggling them into a swoon, after which
the sirens disappear with wallets and
cars. Editors, the princes of The Media
Empire, respond by noting that if talkers
are going to be so stupid as to fail for
Colombian breasts then they deserve to
have their wallets and cars pinched.
Owners, the kings of The Media Empire,
smile and return to their soft-spoken,
hard-edged telephone conversations with
the talkers.
Sabre:
Something that is rattled very noisily
before "Talks" (Singular of
Composite) with the help of The Media
Empire. Since the advent of television,
decibel levels have jumped up sharply.
Pipeline:
A line drawn between war and peace by the
that infallible commodity, money, lots
and lots of it, in currencies ranging
from the rial to the dollar via the
dinar. In the case of India and Pakistan
filled with gas.
Sherwani:
A long, loose coat with a huge tail, of
Indian origin, worn to establish that a
general is not necessarily uniform.
Effective for first impressions and
formal dinners but unsuited for Indian
weather -- unless it rains.
Rain: An
auspicious message from the heavens at
the start of any special occasion, unless
of course you are living in England,
which would have been a permanently
auspicious country by that criterion.
Joke: A
very rare occurrence these days, and not
necessarily designed to evoke laughter.
Laughter is a byproduct rather than the
main purpose. A few of the species have
been spied, particularly among those
disenchanted with Summit. Example:
"Give Kashmir to Pakistan. It will
fall apart. The only thing that keeps
Pakistan united will disappear."
Variation: Black humour, the preferred
option of Indians and Pakistanis when
discussing problems.
Menu: A
variety of normal cooked dishes with
exotic names served by five-star hotels
during official meals for visiting VIPs,
described in great detail in news reports
by all those who have not eaten it.
National
Democratic Alliance (aka NDA): A ruling
group devoted to getting it both ways,
having its cake and eating it too,
trimming the hedge and generally
exhausting all cliches in the English
language in its efforts to retain power.
If Summit succeeds it will ride the
positive wave that trails the Prime
Minister: if Summit falters, it will
rescurrect the nay-sayers who have been
told to put their suspicions on hold for
seventy two hours.
Congress
party of India: Bystander, standing by.
Bharatiya Janata Party: A political
formation that believed, eleven years
ago, that it could change Hindu India
decisively with a campaign for a Ram
temple. In 2001 it has discovered that it
has been changed by Hindu India. The
party that stormed into the Nineties on
three issues -- building a Ram temple at
the site of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya;
ending Article 370 for Jammu and Kashmir;
and abolition of the Muslim Personal Law
-- has stopped short of temple
construction, is seeking a solution with
Pakistan on Kashmir and has developed
amnesia on personal law.
Peace:
Something everyone wants but no can quite
find.
War:
Something no one wants but everyone
finds.
Hope: A
word with a single virtue; it is better
than hopeless. Typical question before
any summit: "Do you have any
hope?" Preferred answer: "What
is the point of being hopeless?"
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The
living theatre of diplomatic absurd
By Kedar
Nath Pandey
The Prime
Minister, Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee's peace
journey to Lahore in February 1999, was
intended as a confidence building
measure. The occupation of the Kargil
heights by Gen. Pervez Musharraf's
forces, in reply, was a confidence trick.
The General came calling to settle the
Kashmir dispute with India on Pakistan's
terms. For that is what he sought to do.
President Musharraf, in a briefing to the
Pakistani media, had said his talks with
Mr Vajpayee would have to revolve round
Kashmir; that without a resolution to
this problem, based on the principle of
Kashmiri self-determination, there could
be no advance in the fraught
Indo-Pakistan relationship.
In a
report, The Financial Times man in
Islamabad, Farhan Bokhari, reported that
militant Islamic demonstrations, led by
the Lashkar-e-Taiba leader, Hafiz
Muhammed Saeed, who had issued the
following warning: "In the next two
weeks our work will intensify. All the
jihadi groups agree that the summit is
not to bring peace but to stop the
jihad". Zahid Hussain, the Times
stringer, quoted Mr Saeed's caution to
the Pakistan president not to make peace
with India as "it will be a betrayal
of jihad". The Muzzafarabad crowd
which he was addressing chanted
"jihad till victory". Mr Saeed,
trailing clouds of rhetorical glory,
said: "Freedom is won only through
the barrel of a gun and lost on the
negotiating table". The shade of
Chairman Mao must have nodded approvingly
at the first part of this observation,
for he was too intelligent to lose at the
negotiating table what he had won on the
battlefield.
Such were
the stage sets to the Vajpayee-Musharraf
dialogue. Cursed, not blessed, are the
peacemakers : Islamist corrective to
Christ and Mahatma Gandhi. If Samuel
Beckett had been among us he might have
included scenes from Agra as epilogues to
"Waiting for Godot" and
"Endgame", while reducing by a
cubit or two the platitudinous solemnity
of the proceedings with a pinch of Irish
wit. Clearly, the living Theatre of the
Absurd, for instruction and
entertainment, matches the fictional
genre as a state of mind and being.
The way
Musharraf brushed aside questions about
whether he would rein in armed Islamic
groups that support fighters in Kashmir,
he insisted that the "Kashmir
insurgency is indigenous" as
reported by Pamela Constable of The
Washington Post only shows that he will
never accept even if India shows him all
the available tell-tale evidence on how
he as the President of Pakistan and chief
commander of the Pakistan armed forces
can order 'halt' to the militants
creating havoc in Jammu and Kashmir for
the last 12 years.
The Indian
cause has undeniably suffered much damage
by the manner in which the Pakistani
dictator was invited on May 23, Although
US pressure for talks is an open secret,
the Government failed to privately take
the press into confidence about the
reasons for going along with the
Americans in this regard, and thereby
fuelled unreasonable expectations in
Islamabad.
Indian
preparations for the summit were
scandalous by any standard. There was no
good reason why the meeting should not
have been held in Delhi or a city that
would showcase the achievements of modern
India. But, like well-adjusted dhimmis,
the Government chose the city of Mughal
might to pow-wow with the architect of
India's costly war at Kargil. The
entourage's sight-seeing was virtually
confined to Ajmer(cancelled) Fatehpur
Sikri, the Old Delhi haveli of the
General's infancy, and the Dargah at
Nizamuddin (cancelled to accommodate the
All Party Hurriyat Coinference).
Aware that
he would be meeting the face of medieval
Islam in India, General Musharraf could
be forgiven for thinking that India had
lost the stomach to fight on in Kashmir.
He felt the Americans had convinced
Vajpayee to give up the Valley, and that
he was entering the country as a foregone
victor. The Ministry of External Affairs
(MEA) and RAW could hardly be unaware
that Pakistan's Urdu press was
vociferously propagating that America was
proposing an arrangement whereby India
would retain Jammu, Pakistan would keep
Occupied Kashmir, and the Valley would
become independent ! The popular
perception in Pakistan was that Mr
Vajpayee would try hard to please the
Americans, a poor reflection on his
spin-doctors.
The Indian
Council of Social Science Research
(ICSSR) extravaganza with social
scientists at the capital's costliest
hotel is a sad commentary on the culture
being promoted by the Government. All
dissenting voices were shut out; the
venue and the expenditure became the
story. Not to be left out, the RSS jumped
onto the bandwagon by sponsoring a
puerile competition on good relations
between the two countries, even as
Pakistan published obscene lies about
mass rapes and violation of human rights
in Kashmir ! It trivialised Kargil with
shameless crudity : "When body bags
were sent from Kargil . Musharraf was the
most hated man in India. Now, we are
ready to welcome him with full
honours".
The PMO
has reportedly spent crores of rupees on
non-events before and during the summit;
and accounting of the expenditure would
be in the public interest. One is curious
to learn why this government rushes to
private hotels at every pretext.
Hitherto, the chefs at Hyderabad House
have successfully hosted the most
distinguished dignitaries. Certainly no
other Prime Minister is known to have
been photographed with a high society
chef ! To return to the summit, Mr
Vajpayee's greatest concession, of
course, was the legitimacy bestowed upon
General Musharraf by congratulating him
in advance of his usurping the
Presidency. The true significance of this
act has been lost on analysts who feel
the Government has forgotten Kargil. To
my mind, the unwarranted recognition of
General Musharraf means that should he
meet a sad end, India will have no choice
but to do business with his successor.
Had Mr
Vajpayee reserved his unilateral
concessions for the summit itself, it
might have helped his guest return home
with a face-saver and spared him the
ignominy of Pakistan stonewalling the
gestures with merely the release of peace
cyclist Vikas Singh. India has ordered
the release of civilian prisoners of
Pakistani origin, leniency and non-arrest
of straying fishermen, slashed tariffs on
fifty-odd Pakistani goods, and granted
twenty scholarships to its students,
academics and artists.
In return,
General Musharraf denied that underworld
don, Dawood Ibrahim, is living in Karachi
despite report from Interpol. He
sidetracked the extradition treaty and
cross-border terrorism, and declared the
All Party Hurriyat Conference is the true
representative of the Kashmiris. The fate
of Indian Prisoners-of-War, trade, the
oil pipeline from Iran, narco-terrorism
and nuclear confidence building measures
is equally uncertain. Pakistan also
refused India most favoured nation (MFN)
status, though it is a WTO requirement.
As
expected, Kashmir was a stumbling block.
Visiting Pakistanis spoke of
"asserting the political rights of
the people so they are not dependent upon
militants to express their will", a
smart way of justifying the proxy war by
non-Kashmri militants. It needs to be
stated that unlike Pakistan, the state of
Jammu & Kashmir has always been ruled
by elected representatives. Its Chief
Ministers have always been Muslim, and
that too, mostly non-Congress. It cannot
be honestly argued that there is Indian
(read Hindu) repression of political
aspirations.
Indian
peaceniks want conversion of the Line of
Control (LoC) into a de jure
international border. It is alleged that
Mr Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Mrs Indira
Gandhi agreed to this at Shimla in 1972,
but that the former reneged on his return
to Pakistan. If so, this country must
understand that this is now a dead
letter. We might more productively think
about the 1995 Parliament Resolution
regarding recovery of Occupied Kashmir.
General Musharraf's intransigence,
however, served a useful purpose by
preventing India from reducing troops in
Siachin, something the peaceniks were
inexplicably keen on. As everyone knows,
Siachin is critical to India's control
over Leh and Ladakh.
It is
surprising why Indian commentators claim
that both sides are equally responsible
for peace in both countries, so that they
can respectively divert their resources
from defence to development. There is no
violence in Pakistan for which India is
directly or indirectly accountable.
Violence in Pakistan is either ethnic
(Sindhi, Mohajir), or religious
sub-denominational (Shia vs Sunni). The
supposedly perilous state of the
Pakistani economy is similarly not our
concern. INAV
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The
great war of words at Agra
By: B.K. Karkara
The outcome of the
Indo-Pak Summit has left the common man confused
on both sides of the border. He is not sure
whether it has really served any positive
purpose. He has ended up wondering if it was
anything more than a mere war of words over
trifles. Nothing very substantive was even
touched upon. The two sides lost their way so
badly in semantics that subjects like resumption
of the cricketing ties were not even remembered.
Ultimately, the Pakistan President departed from
here with the look of an angry young man or like
a typical man of military subculture cursing 'the
bloody civilians'.
The seeds of
failure were there in the very logic behind the
invitation to the Pakistan General. First, at
that point of time we appeared to be placed in a
position of disadvantage in the proxy war
unleashed in Kashmir (again because of our own
folly of unilateral cease-fire and flirting with
the Hurriat and Hizbul Mujahideen). We, thus,
agreed to sit on the negotiating table with a
weakness in our spine. Secondly, we went on the
presumption that we were thus raising the stock
of a beleaguered General and being beholden to us
for legitimacy, he would be in a mood of
concessions to us in some form. Thirdly, we
concluded rather hurriedly that he might turn out
to be a man in the mould of Kamal Ataturk. He
may, thus, have the capacity and courage to deal
with our bilateral problems rising above the
domestic pressures. He, however, behaved as if
Kashmir was his lifeline and his dear life hung
by it. More than the world opinion, he seemed
worried about his Corps Commanders back home.
Our
miscalculations became evident quite early. 'From
easy to difficult' or 'from simple to
complicated' is the normal principle of problem
solving. Kashmir is, by no means, an easy or
simple matter. When you insist on solving Kashmir
first or rather settling it in your favour right
now or within a set timeframe, you are really
asking for the moon. In effect, it means that you
are not interested in any thing like improving
relations. The General understands all this, but
it is necessary for him to impress upon his
people that usurpation of power by him is
justified because he is the only one who can get
them Kashmir. He knows that what India wanted to
start with i.e. the trade ties, cultural
relations, softening of visa restrictions and
removal of minor irritants etc. is not only
logical, but also more in the interest of
Pakistan than India. After all, India does not
have more vital an interest in trade with
Pakistan than this country has in enhancing the
trading ties with us. But, Kashmir can serve as
raison d' etre for his coup. His plea that his
political predecessors were corrupt and he is Mr.
Clean, may not have cut much ice. However, his
Kargil initiative and some post-Kargil success in
the proxy war in the valley, have much better
credibility. His claim that it is he who has
brought Kashmir sharply in focus for the first
time, has many takers in his country. He is,
therefore, under a compulsion to cling on to
Kashmir at all costs. He was right when he
confided during his breakfast with the Editors
that if he conceded on Kashmir as the core issue,
he would have to buy back his Neharwali haveli
(to avoid going back to Pakistan).
The very
composition of his entourage to India must have
sent the bells ringing in the South Block. The
absence of anybody in his team to discuss matters
other than Kashmir and the President's insistence
on having talks with Hurriyat even before sitting
on the negotiating table before our Prime
Minister was, indeed, an ominous sign. Perhaps,
the Indian side had written off the Summit then
and there for all practical purposes. This
notwithstanding, they seem to have decided to go
through the motions as it was still possible not
only to limit the damage, but also to derive some
diplomatic dividends out of it.
However, both the
sides put up a good show. The President was shown
all courtesies and extended all hospitalities,
though the lack of inner warmth was apparent in
the body language on both sides. The media had
their eyeful and earful. Perhaps, they were the
only gainers in this exercise and the people of
India and Pakistan, the biggest losers.
Our build up of
the General in to a proper Head of State in the
Summit process is of no disadvantage to us,
though it may have hurt the cause of the movement
of restoration of democracy in Pakistan.
Generally speaking, the Generals have a limited
vision. Their job is to kill on order whosoever
is declared the enemy of the state. More often
than not, their taking over a political role is
akin to the proverbial donkey trying to do the
dog's work. It is always the rot in the political
system, which occasionally pushes them from the
barracks to the political helm. Once there, they
often come to nurse illusions of being the equals
of Napoleon Bonaparte. General Pervez Musharraf
had an opportunity here to emerge as the Kamal
Ataturk of Pakistan, but he possibly felt that
his people would disown him if he conceded even
an inch on Kashmir, specially when his 'jehadi's'
looked like making some headway in wresting
Kashmir from India.
One would feel
quite skeptical about the Indian claim that the
Summit has been a partial success. The two
leaders, no doubt, got an opportunity to know
each other's mind and get used to each other's
personality. However, all this does not add up to
much and we shall have to face the fact that the
things are back in Square I. If anything, the
Summit has generated some bitterness and resulted
in further hardening of attitudes. In terms of
diplomatic maturity, however, India wins hands
down. In the very way the two sides have
described the outcome of the exercise, Pakistan
rings raw and crude and India comes out with a
more polished image. Just recall Mr. Jaswant
Singh's words: " Caravan of peace is on the
move and on some auspicious day it would reach
the destination". As against this, consider
Pakistan blaming Mr. Advani for his alleged
intransigence personally.
Any way, the
Summit is now behind us. The bottom line to the
whole thing is that the international borders
almost always get drawn on the basis of the
outcome of military endeavours. Wars decide the
borders and words only justify these. Most of the
international borders denote the line where some
war stopped. The L.O.C. in Kashmir is also the
result of the three Indo-Pak wars. Only a further
military operation can shift its position. Such a
war, going by the name of proxy war, is on from
the side of Pakistan. If we wish to hold on to
what is left of Kashmir, we have to make a
single-minded and spirited effort to force
Pakistan to stop this aggression on our soil. In
discussions, it has been stubbornly denying that
any such war is on from its side. So, this aspect
of the matter has to be left to be dealt by our
armed forces. Meanwhile, the talking can also
continue--- it has its own worth.
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India:
The Dolphins are Dying
By Ranjita Biswas
One of the most
endearing childhood memories for film actress
Nandita Das is of crossing the Brahmaputra by
ferry to the north bank of Assam and watching the
'susu' (river dolphins) jumping and frolicking
along.
But this may well
remain a pleasant memory not only for Das but for
quite a few others because today the delightful
sight of friendly river dolphins playing in
India's rivers is becoming rare. Poaching and
pollution have finally taken their toll.
Even a decade ago
there were about 5,000 Gangetic Dolphin
(Platanista gangetica) in the Ganga and
Brahmaputra rivers. Today, their number has
dwindled to half with 10 per cent reportedly
dying every year. This despite the Gangetic
Dolphin being under the Wildlife Protection Act,
1972, and being declared an endangered species in
1996 by the International Union for the
Conservation of Nature(IUCN).
Recently, the
Patna High Court summoned central and state
environment officials to explain the steps taken
to stop the continued slaughter of the river
dolphin. According to R K Sinha, head of the
zoology department of the Patna University, who
is also a specialist in the field, there is one
significant reason for this state of affairs --
poaching - which has wiped out the dolphins from
the Sone river.
Freshwater
dolphins are in trouble all over the world.
According to World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF),
which launched a campaign to save the river
dolphin in India, the habitat of the dolphin is
greatly affected by industrial and agricultural
development. "With the increased utilisation
of water resources for various development
projects, the water quality in the Ganga river
has deteriorated considerably, thereby affecting
the aquatic environment," says a
spokesperson of WWF.
Siltation due to
deforestation and the use of pesticides in
agricultural fields that drain into the river are
some of the other reasons for the dolphins dying.
And if present trends continue there may be
little time to save these vulnerable river
creatures.
The Gangetic
Dolphin is one of the only four freshwater
dolphin species in the world. The other three are
found in the Yangtze river of China, the Indus
river in Pakistan and in Latin America. All these
freshwater dolphins are endangered.
According to
Thomas Jefferson, an American scientist at the
Ocean Park Conservation Foundation, the first
marine casualty of the new century is likely to
be 'baiji' of China. There are about 30 dolphins
of this species left in the Yangtze river, with a
life expectancy of about 10 years.
"Prospects
for the 'baiji' are very dismal. In all honesty
it will become extinct," says Jefferson. And
according to scientists, India's 'susu' could be
another casualty.
Most of India's
existing dolphins are found in Bihar. Today, on
an average 160 dolphins are killed every year,
100 of which are in Bihar. The stretch between
Buxar in central Bihar, and Rajmahal in the
newly-formed state of Jharkhand, is the most
dangerous for the dolphin. Experts believe that
poverty and lack of alternative sources of income
could also be a significant reason for their
continued killing. WWF points out that these
regions are some of the most densely populated in
the world.
The increasing use
of synthetic fishing nets also sounds the death
knell for dolphins. As a species, dolphins live
on smaller fish. Since river dolphins have poor
eyesight, their echo signals while moving under
water in search of food often leads them to the
nets. As they go for the fingerlings caught in
the net they themselves get caught.
In an effort to
conserve this rare species, the country's first
dolphin sanctuary, the Vikramshila Gangetic
Dolphin Sanctuary was set up in Bihar in 1991.
But despite such efforts, the killing of dolphins
has been reported even from these areas.
Experts suggest
more concerted efforts, encouragement from the
government to prepare definite baseline data,
involving non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
for creating more awareness among fisherfolk and
developing eco-tourism as some of the immediate
steps that need to be taken for generating funds
for conservation efforts. Booking guilty
fishermen too could set an example.
The message is and
loud and clear. If the Indian 'susu' is to be
saved from the plight of the 'baiji' in China,
the time to act firmly is now, not in the future.
WFS
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