EDITORIAL

WHITHER J&K CONGRESS?

The Congress High Command's stubborn resistance to the demands of the dissidents for removal of the Jammu and Kashmir Pradesh Congress Committee chief, Mr Mohammad Shafi Qureshi and the firm resolve of the rebels not to work under the controversial Mr Qureshi has deepened the crisis in the State unit of the party. The recalcitrant Congressmen have been waging a relentless war ......more

WHENCE NOW?

The circumstances surrounding the Pakistan delegation's midnight departure for Islamabad --- unreal expectations of personal chemistry, unsurprising disappointment, and a stampede by demanding press persons ---- encapsulate was played out over three days during the Agra summit seemed a colossal failure, but in fact it has provided both a beginning for eventual reconciliation, and a reality..........more

A Summit glossary

M J Akbar
There is so much misunderstanding about the content and context of a summit meeting that, in yet another effort to be of service to the nation, or....
more

The living theatre of
diplomatic absurd

By Kedar Nath Pandey
The Prime Minister, Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee's peace journey to Lahore in February 1999, was intended as a confidence.......
more

The great war of
words at Agra

By: B.K. Karkara
The outcome of the Indo-Pak Summit has left the common man confused on both sides of the border. He is not sure whether it has really served any....
more

India: The Dolphins
are Dying

By Ranjita Biswas
One of the most endearing childhood memories for film actress Nandita Das is of crossing the Brahmaputra by ferry to the north bank of Assam and ......
more

EDITORIAL

WHITHER J&K CONGRESS?

The Congress High Command's stubborn resistance to the demands of the dissidents for removal of the Jammu and Kashmir Pradesh Congress Committee chief, Mr Mohammad Shafi Qureshi and the firm resolve of the rebels not to work under the controversial Mr Qureshi has deepened the crisis in the State unit of the party. The recalcitrant Congressmen have been waging a relentless war against the not too popular Mr Qureshi and pestering the Central leadership for a change of leadership of the JKPCC. They have accused Qureshi of lack of qualities of leadership and dubbed his year long stint as the PCC chief as an unmitigated disaster. He has been accused of promoting favouritism and encouraging factionalism. This former Union Minister and Governor of Madhya Pradesh is charged of having competely ignored the party work, failed to establishing rapport with senior party leaders, ignoring the grassroot Congressmen and thus bringing the party to a sorry pass. The rebels have been time and again running to the AICC headquarters in New Delhi to press the demand for removal of the incumbent PCC chief. As many as 105 of the 150-odd PCC members, including the three former Congress chiefs --- Ghulam Rasool Kar, Ayub Khan and Choudhari Mohammad Aslam, submitted a signed memorandum to the party supremo Ms Sonia Gandhi sometime back, listing their grievances and seeking the scalp of Qureshi. Having imposed him on the faction-ridden State unit, the high command is charry of showing Qureshi the door, because it would be a tacit admission of having foisting not too popular on the State unit. Having failed to persuade the adament rebels to fall in live and support Qureshi, the high command has finally decided to persist with him regardless of the consequences. They have refused to swallow the bait of due representation in a revamped PCC and party tickets for them in the coming Assembly elections. The offer of appointment of Mangat Ram Sharma and Peerzada Mohammad Saeed as Working President in Jammu Region and Kashmir valley respectively, has failed to enthuse the rebels and they have decided to continue their non-cooperation movement till Qureshi heads the PCC. The dissidents have been boycotting all the functions organised by the supporters of Qureshi so much so that abstained from meetings arranged by him in honour of AICC General Secretary and in-charge party affairs in J&K, Ms Mohsina Kidwai during her two visits to Jammu and Kashmir recently. Open defiance of Ms Kidwai's diktat to discipline themselves and support Qureshi has irked the Central leadership. Even veiled threats of disciplinary action has failed to work. There is every possibility of their en masse suspension or expulsion from the party in the near future. But so intense is the hostility towards Qureshi that the dissidents are prepared for any consequences. As and when the high command cracks the whip against the dissident leaders, it will, by implication, deal with a crippling blow on the much debilitated J&K Congress. The party has yet to recover from the fall out of Mufti Mohammad Syeed's decision about 2 years ago to walk out of the party and float a regional party under the name and banner of the Peoples Democratic Party. Many a rebel Congressmen are sending feelers to the Mufti if they could be accommodated in his party. Men like Kar have meanwhile established bridges with the ruling National Conference and dropped enough hints that they would jump over to the Farooq band-wagon at an opportune moment. Other may float a regional outfit on the lines of Trinamool Congress. As and when the high command shows the door to the recalcitrants, it would open the flood-gates of exodus from the already decaying party in Jammu and Kashmir. Qureshi has undoubtedly failed to exhibit his claimed qualities of leadership, curb intense infighting in the party at all levels, and reinvigorate the party for the coming elections. The Central leadership of the party is guilty of foisting unwanted men on the JKPCC and then removing them unceremoniously. Three change of leaderships have been affected within a span of less four years. Kar and Aslam were sacked in quick succession following a relentless campaign for their removal by the dissidents. Will Qureshi be booted out in a similar fashion? Or, will the Central leadership persist with Qureshi, even though it may lead to the disintegration of the already marginalised Congress in the State? Your guess is as good as ours.

WHENCE NOW?

The circumstances surrounding the Pakistan delegation's midnight departure for Islamabad --- unreal expectations of personal chemistry, unsurprising disappointment, and a stampede by demanding press persons ---- encapsulate was played out over three days during the Agra summit seemed a colossal failure, but in fact it has provided both a beginning for eventual reconciliation, and a reality checks for those who imagine that simply getting two leaders to sit down together can erase five decades of hostility and bitterness, where do we go from here? The deadlock at Agra need not be taken as reaching end of the road in bilateral relations. The threads of peace will have to be picked up. This is not only a necessity but a compulsion with the sub-continent being a high tension spot coupled with global realities. Salvage operations have already been launched. External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh and his Pakistani counterpart Abdul Sattar have made valient efforts to prevent the summit from being consigned to the dustbin of good-intentioned but misplaced attempts at Indo-Pak reconciliation. True, there was no significant breakthrough at Agra, but it is equally true that there was no breakdown either. There is no need to be overtly pessimistic over the set-back on Monday. It is often forgotten that the 1972 Shimla, talks were also publicly declared to have failed by Indira Gandhi's principal secretary P N Dhar. However, at the last minute, Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto held their famous "walk on the ridge" in Shimla. Their few minutes together was enough for them to come a last minute settlement that was signed in the middle of the night. As long as Musharraf and Vajpayee talk, this could be repeated. Another possibility is a holding action. India and Pakistan announce the barest of joint statements or even two separate statements ---- saying the same thing, basically saying nothing except that the two will hold future summits. It is gratifying to note that Jaswant Singh and Abdul Sattar have already done the same. Thus, they have saved the three future summits --- Prime Minister Vajpayee's visit to Islamabad, the side meeting at the United Nations General Assembly in September and the SAARC summit in November. Apparently, the meeting point remains as elusive as ever. A Pakistani assurance on ceasing support to cross-border terrorism would clearly reduce Pakistan's main bargaining leverage. India, for its part cannot even think of discussing Kashmir without highlighting the immense damage being caused in the State on account of Pakistan - sponsored terrorism. But if the Agra summit has a lesson, it is this: patient dialogue can narrow down differences, the expectation of equivalent return could lead to dramatic compromises. It is a lesson evident in the fact that a mutually agreed joint declaration seemed within touching distance more than once that long Monday. But it is a lesson that will have been disastrously unlearned if India and Pakistan cease efforts at cooperation till the next time their leaders' summit.

A Summit glossary

M J Akbar

There is so much misunderstanding about the content and context of a summit meeting that, in yet another effort to be of service to the nation, or nations, The Asian Age offers a glossary of useful terms, in non-alphabetical order.

Summit: A narrow space at the top of mountain, capable of seating two and luring more causing thereby a traffic jam. Mountaineers sometimes confuse, in their eagerness to reach the top, first or second camp, where simultaneous parleys and often scheduled, for the Summit. However, some summits require their own, carefully crafted route maps, particularly it Hillary and Tenzing are determined to go up without much oxygen.

Agra: A city from antiquity made famous by the Mughal emperors who built a splendid fort when they ruled their empire from Agra, and a splendid mausoleum when they shifted to Delhi. The Mughal empire (like the British after it) began to decline from the moment it shifted its capital to Delhi, although it is not clear whether this fact has any relevance to summits. Historically, Agra has been synonymous with opportunity, rather than missed opportunity.

Kashmir: Technically, smaller than its problem. Full name, as in passports, Jammu and Kashmir. Cold in winter, hot in summer, rainy in monsoon and beautiful all the time. Contains a valley, 84 miles long and roughly 20 miles wide, that costs India and Pakistan approximately Rs 100,000 crores a year to fight over. When Jahangir was asked about his one desire on his deathbed, he said, "Kashmir, the rest is worthless", which seems to be the guiding principle of India and Pakistan as well. A couplet that has become more famous than the poet who wrote it, Urfi, goes: Agra firdous bar rul-e-zameen ast, Hamin ast-o-hamin ast-o-hamin ast. In other words, if there is Paradise on earth, it is here, it is here, it is here,. An outstanding example of the departing British and arriving Indians to create generational wars over a chimera. It can also take the form of an elephant surrounded by blind men, each convinced that a part of the problem is the whole of it.

Plebiscite: Quaint old Indo-Anglian word currently out of fashion. Of Latin origin and, in the view of many pundits as dead as that language. Even the United Nations, not known for its radical views on philology, has pronounced the word officially dead, Some diehards however cling on to it for its alleged magical powers, as a mantra for peace, prosperity and tourism in a land of milk and honey.

Agenda: A list of items that has the extraordinary ability to look different when viewed from different angles. For instance, one side may find the agenda broad, while the other, looking at the same piece of paper, could find it to narrow. Has certain deceptive qualities that give it an elusive feel.

Alcohol: Something that in the good old days used to lubricate the Agenda but, alas, has now retired into private life, where, however, it still retains its powerful and ennobling appeal.

Hurriyat: A motley group of characters in search of a role. When denied a place on the Agenda, will settle for some tea instead. Not necessarily unanimously. The individuals who form this group are known for disagreeing with each other almost as much as they disagree with both friend and foe. To push a pun, their nominal leader, Lone, sometimes plays a Lone hand. Their fame is variable, depending on which one of them has found a television camera for the day. For instance, one of them, Geelani, became famous for fifteen minutes when India's home minister L K Advani denied him a passport to visit Pakistan. The said Geelani would not have become famous at all if Advani had given him a passport, along with a ticket, and told him to go to Pakistan and stay there.

Farooq Abdullah: A handsome if ageing politician who divides his time between golf, travel, sulking, singing (bhajan in ghazal andaaz) and television appearances. He has even been seen in Srinagar, capital of Jammu and Kashmir (see above). Summoned by India's Prime Minister from a holiday in Europe to create positive mood for Summit (see further above).

Sheikh Abdullah: Who he?

Talks: A technical event between two parties preceded by hot air and cold fear, both heavily disguised in bluster and bravado. Third parties, particularly if they are Superpowers, are allowed to hover over talks but they must remain unseen and unheard by an independent power known generally as the Media Empire. Superpowers who eat up little nations for breakfast and demand larger ones for dinner are apprehensive of The Media Empire and worry that media has the capacity to drench any Summit with oil, turning it slippery and making it impossible for talkers to talk in any degree to comfort.

Composite Talks: Cultural variation of same theme, linked to food habits. Composite talks are like a thali; there has to be a little bit of everything around a serving of the main item, rice. Non-composite talks are those that take the main item, rice, spread it all across the plate, offer nothing to shift the taste of the meal. One person's talks is another person's Composite Talks.

Retreat: A place in which the principal summiteers (viz Presidents and Prime Ministers) can retreat from their own officials. Example; if Mr Vajpayee and Mr Musharraf feel the need to get from the heat generated by their colleagues they may lock up their contingents and "retreat" to pleasanter surroundings.

Media: An empire outside the control of conventional forces. The hastier observers often compare The Media Empire with certain Colombian sirens who drug their breasts, entice motorists to stop their cars and lick their breasts thereby druggling them into a swoon, after which the sirens disappear with wallets and cars. Editors, the princes of The Media Empire, respond by noting that if talkers are going to be so stupid as to fail for Colombian breasts then they deserve to have their wallets and cars pinched. Owners, the kings of The Media Empire, smile and return to their soft-spoken, hard-edged telephone conversations with the talkers.

Sabre: Something that is rattled very noisily before "Talks" (Singular of Composite) with the help of The Media Empire. Since the advent of television, decibel levels have jumped up sharply.

Pipeline: A line drawn between war and peace by the that infallible commodity, money, lots and lots of it, in currencies ranging from the rial to the dollar via the dinar. In the case of India and Pakistan filled with gas.

Sherwani: A long, loose coat with a huge tail, of Indian origin, worn to establish that a general is not necessarily uniform. Effective for first impressions and formal dinners but unsuited for Indian weather -- unless it rains.

Rain: An auspicious message from the heavens at the start of any special occasion, unless of course you are living in England, which would have been a permanently auspicious country by that criterion.

Joke: A very rare occurrence these days, and not necessarily designed to evoke laughter. Laughter is a byproduct rather than the main purpose. A few of the species have been spied, particularly among those disenchanted with Summit. Example: "Give Kashmir to Pakistan. It will fall apart. The only thing that keeps Pakistan united will disappear." Variation: Black humour, the preferred option of Indians and Pakistanis when discussing problems.

Menu: A variety of normal cooked dishes with exotic names served by five-star hotels during official meals for visiting VIPs, described in great detail in news reports by all those who have not eaten it.

National Democratic Alliance (aka NDA): A ruling group devoted to getting it both ways, having its cake and eating it too, trimming the hedge and generally exhausting all cliches in the English language in its efforts to retain power. If Summit succeeds it will ride the positive wave that trails the Prime Minister: if Summit falters, it will rescurrect the nay-sayers who have been told to put their suspicions on hold for seventy two hours.

Congress party of India: Bystander, standing by. Bharatiya Janata Party: A political formation that believed, eleven years ago, that it could change Hindu India decisively with a campaign for a Ram temple. In 2001 it has discovered that it has been changed by Hindu India. The party that stormed into the Nineties on three issues -- building a Ram temple at the site of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya; ending Article 370 for Jammu and Kashmir; and abolition of the Muslim Personal Law -- has stopped short of temple construction, is seeking a solution with Pakistan on Kashmir and has developed amnesia on personal law.

Peace: Something everyone wants but no can quite find.

War: Something no one wants but everyone finds.

Hope: A word with a single virtue; it is better than hopeless. Typical question before any summit: "Do you have any hope?" Preferred answer: "What is the point of being hopeless?"

The living theatre of diplomatic absurd

By Kedar Nath Pandey

The Prime Minister, Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee's peace journey to Lahore in February 1999, was intended as a confidence building measure. The occupation of the Kargil heights by Gen. Pervez Musharraf's forces, in reply, was a confidence trick. The General came calling to settle the Kashmir dispute with India on Pakistan's terms. For that is what he sought to do. President Musharraf, in a briefing to the Pakistani media, had said his talks with Mr Vajpayee would have to revolve round Kashmir; that without a resolution to this problem, based on the principle of Kashmiri self-determination, there could be no advance in the fraught Indo-Pakistan relationship.

In a report, The Financial Times man in Islamabad, Farhan Bokhari, reported that militant Islamic demonstrations, led by the Lashkar-e-Taiba leader, Hafiz Muhammed Saeed, who had issued the following warning: "In the next two weeks our work will intensify. All the jihadi groups agree that the summit is not to bring peace but to stop the jihad". Zahid Hussain, the Times stringer, quoted Mr Saeed's caution to the Pakistan president not to make peace with India as "it will be a betrayal of jihad". The Muzzafarabad crowd which he was addressing chanted "jihad till victory". Mr Saeed, trailing clouds of rhetorical glory, said: "Freedom is won only through the barrel of a gun and lost on the negotiating table". The shade of Chairman Mao must have nodded approvingly at the first part of this observation, for he was too intelligent to lose at the negotiating table what he had won on the battlefield.

Such were the stage sets to the Vajpayee-Musharraf dialogue. Cursed, not blessed, are the peacemakers : Islamist corrective to Christ and Mahatma Gandhi. If Samuel Beckett had been among us he might have included scenes from Agra as epilogues to "Waiting for Godot" and "Endgame", while reducing by a cubit or two the platitudinous solemnity of the proceedings with a pinch of Irish wit. Clearly, the living Theatre of the Absurd, for instruction and entertainment, matches the fictional genre as a state of mind and being.

The way Musharraf brushed aside questions about whether he would rein in armed Islamic groups that support fighters in Kashmir, he insisted that the "Kashmir insurgency is indigenous" as reported by Pamela Constable of The Washington Post only shows that he will never accept even if India shows him all the available tell-tale evidence on how he as the President of Pakistan and chief commander of the Pakistan armed forces can order 'halt' to the militants creating havoc in Jammu and Kashmir for the last 12 years.

The Indian cause has undeniably suffered much damage by the manner in which the Pakistani dictator was invited on May 23, Although US pressure for talks is an open secret, the Government failed to privately take the press into confidence about the reasons for going along with the Americans in this regard, and thereby fuelled unreasonable expectations in Islamabad.

Indian preparations for the summit were scandalous by any standard. There was no good reason why the meeting should not have been held in Delhi or a city that would showcase the achievements of modern India. But, like well-adjusted dhimmis, the Government chose the city of Mughal might to pow-wow with the architect of India's costly war at Kargil. The entourage's sight-seeing was virtually confined to Ajmer(cancelled) Fatehpur Sikri, the Old Delhi haveli of the General's infancy, and the Dargah at Nizamuddin (cancelled to accommodate the All Party Hurriyat Coinference).

Aware that he would be meeting the face of medieval Islam in India, General Musharraf could be forgiven for thinking that India had lost the stomach to fight on in Kashmir. He felt the Americans had convinced Vajpayee to give up the Valley, and that he was entering the country as a foregone victor. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and RAW could hardly be unaware that Pakistan's Urdu press was vociferously propagating that America was proposing an arrangement whereby India would retain Jammu, Pakistan would keep Occupied Kashmir, and the Valley would become independent ! The popular perception in Pakistan was that Mr Vajpayee would try hard to please the Americans, a poor reflection on his spin-doctors.

The Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) extravaganza with social scientists at the capital's costliest hotel is a sad commentary on the culture being promoted by the Government. All dissenting voices were shut out; the venue and the expenditure became the story. Not to be left out, the RSS jumped onto the bandwagon by sponsoring a puerile competition on good relations between the two countries, even as Pakistan published obscene lies about mass rapes and violation of human rights in Kashmir ! It trivialised Kargil with shameless crudity : "When body bags were sent from Kargil . Musharraf was the most hated man in India. Now, we are ready to welcome him with full honours".

The PMO has reportedly spent crores of rupees on non-events before and during the summit; and accounting of the expenditure would be in the public interest. One is curious to learn why this government rushes to private hotels at every pretext. Hitherto, the chefs at Hyderabad House have successfully hosted the most distinguished dignitaries. Certainly no other Prime Minister is known to have been photographed with a high society chef ! To return to the summit, Mr Vajpayee's greatest concession, of course, was the legitimacy bestowed upon General Musharraf by congratulating him in advance of his usurping the Presidency. The true significance of this act has been lost on analysts who feel the Government has forgotten Kargil. To my mind, the unwarranted recognition of General Musharraf means that should he meet a sad end, India will have no choice but to do business with his successor.

Had Mr Vajpayee reserved his unilateral concessions for the summit itself, it might have helped his guest return home with a face-saver and spared him the ignominy of Pakistan stonewalling the gestures with merely the release of peace cyclist Vikas Singh. India has ordered the release of civilian prisoners of Pakistani origin, leniency and non-arrest of straying fishermen, slashed tariffs on fifty-odd Pakistani goods, and granted twenty scholarships to its students, academics and artists.

In return, General Musharraf denied that underworld don, Dawood Ibrahim, is living in Karachi despite report from Interpol. He sidetracked the extradition treaty and cross-border terrorism, and declared the All Party Hurriyat Conference is the true representative of the Kashmiris. The fate of Indian Prisoners-of-War, trade, the oil pipeline from Iran, narco-terrorism and nuclear confidence building measures is equally uncertain. Pakistan also refused India most favoured nation (MFN) status, though it is a WTO requirement.

As expected, Kashmir was a stumbling block. Visiting Pakistanis spoke of "asserting the political rights of the people so they are not dependent upon militants to express their will", a smart way of justifying the proxy war by non-Kashmri militants. It needs to be stated that unlike Pakistan, the state of Jammu & Kashmir has always been ruled by elected representatives. Its Chief Ministers have always been Muslim, and that too, mostly non-Congress. It cannot be honestly argued that there is Indian (read Hindu) repression of political aspirations.

Indian peaceniks want conversion of the Line of Control (LoC) into a de jure international border. It is alleged that Mr Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Mrs Indira Gandhi agreed to this at Shimla in 1972, but that the former reneged on his return to Pakistan. If so, this country must understand that this is now a dead letter. We might more productively think about the 1995 Parliament Resolution regarding recovery of Occupied Kashmir. General Musharraf's intransigence, however, served a useful purpose by preventing India from reducing troops in Siachin, something the peaceniks were inexplicably keen on. As everyone knows, Siachin is critical to India's control over Leh and Ladakh.

It is surprising why Indian commentators claim that both sides are equally responsible for peace in both countries, so that they can respectively divert their resources from defence to development. There is no violence in Pakistan for which India is directly or indirectly accountable. Violence in Pakistan is either ethnic (Sindhi, Mohajir), or religious sub-denominational (Shia vs Sunni). The supposedly perilous state of the Pakistani economy is similarly not our concern. INAV

The great war of words at Agra

By: B.K. Karkara

The outcome of the Indo-Pak Summit has left the common man confused on both sides of the border. He is not sure whether it has really served any positive purpose. He has ended up wondering if it was anything more than a mere war of words over trifles. Nothing very substantive was even touched upon. The two sides lost their way so badly in semantics that subjects like resumption of the cricketing ties were not even remembered. Ultimately, the Pakistan President departed from here with the look of an angry young man or like a typical man of military subculture cursing 'the bloody civilians'.

The seeds of failure were there in the very logic behind the invitation to the Pakistan General. First, at that point of time we appeared to be placed in a position of disadvantage in the proxy war unleashed in Kashmir (again because of our own folly of unilateral cease-fire and flirting with the Hurriat and Hizbul Mujahideen). We, thus, agreed to sit on the negotiating table with a weakness in our spine. Secondly, we went on the presumption that we were thus raising the stock of a beleaguered General and being beholden to us for legitimacy, he would be in a mood of concessions to us in some form. Thirdly, we concluded rather hurriedly that he might turn out to be a man in the mould of Kamal Ataturk. He may, thus, have the capacity and courage to deal with our bilateral problems rising above the domestic pressures. He, however, behaved as if Kashmir was his lifeline and his dear life hung by it. More than the world opinion, he seemed worried about his Corps Commanders back home.

Our miscalculations became evident quite early. 'From easy to difficult' or 'from simple to complicated' is the normal principle of problem solving. Kashmir is, by no means, an easy or simple matter. When you insist on solving Kashmir first or rather settling it in your favour right now or within a set timeframe, you are really asking for the moon. In effect, it means that you are not interested in any thing like improving relations. The General understands all this, but it is necessary for him to impress upon his people that usurpation of power by him is justified because he is the only one who can get them Kashmir. He knows that what India wanted to start with i.e. the trade ties, cultural relations, softening of visa restrictions and removal of minor irritants etc. is not only logical, but also more in the interest of Pakistan than India. After all, India does not have more vital an interest in trade with Pakistan than this country has in enhancing the trading ties with us. But, Kashmir can serve as raison d' etre for his coup. His plea that his political predecessors were corrupt and he is Mr. Clean, may not have cut much ice. However, his Kargil initiative and some post-Kargil success in the proxy war in the valley, have much better credibility. His claim that it is he who has brought Kashmir sharply in focus for the first time, has many takers in his country. He is, therefore, under a compulsion to cling on to Kashmir at all costs. He was right when he confided during his breakfast with the Editors that if he conceded on Kashmir as the core issue, he would have to buy back his Neharwali haveli (to avoid going back to Pakistan).

The very composition of his entourage to India must have sent the bells ringing in the South Block. The absence of anybody in his team to discuss matters other than Kashmir and the President's insistence on having talks with Hurriyat even before sitting on the negotiating table before our Prime Minister was, indeed, an ominous sign. Perhaps, the Indian side had written off the Summit then and there for all practical purposes. This notwithstanding, they seem to have decided to go through the motions as it was still possible not only to limit the damage, but also to derive some diplomatic dividends out of it.

However, both the sides put up a good show. The President was shown all courtesies and extended all hospitalities, though the lack of inner warmth was apparent in the body language on both sides. The media had their eyeful and earful. Perhaps, they were the only gainers in this exercise and the people of India and Pakistan, the biggest losers.

Our build up of the General in to a proper Head of State in the Summit process is of no disadvantage to us, though it may have hurt the cause of the movement of restoration of democracy in Pakistan. Generally speaking, the Generals have a limited vision. Their job is to kill on order whosoever is declared the enemy of the state. More often than not, their taking over a political role is akin to the proverbial donkey trying to do the dog's work. It is always the rot in the political system, which occasionally pushes them from the barracks to the political helm. Once there, they often come to nurse illusions of being the equals of Napoleon Bonaparte. General Pervez Musharraf had an opportunity here to emerge as the Kamal Ataturk of Pakistan, but he possibly felt that his people would disown him if he conceded even an inch on Kashmir, specially when his 'jehadi's' looked like making some headway in wresting Kashmir from India.

One would feel quite skeptical about the Indian claim that the Summit has been a partial success. The two leaders, no doubt, got an opportunity to know each other's mind and get used to each other's personality. However, all this does not add up to much and we shall have to face the fact that the things are back in Square I. If anything, the Summit has generated some bitterness and resulted in further hardening of attitudes. In terms of diplomatic maturity, however, India wins hands down. In the very way the two sides have described the outcome of the exercise, Pakistan rings raw and crude and India comes out with a more polished image. Just recall Mr. Jaswant Singh's words: " Caravan of peace is on the move and on some auspicious day it would reach the destination". As against this, consider Pakistan blaming Mr. Advani for his alleged intransigence personally.

Any way, the Summit is now behind us. The bottom line to the whole thing is that the international borders almost always get drawn on the basis of the outcome of military endeavours. Wars decide the borders and words only justify these. Most of the international borders denote the line where some war stopped. The L.O.C. in Kashmir is also the result of the three Indo-Pak wars. Only a further military operation can shift its position. Such a war, going by the name of proxy war, is on from the side of Pakistan. If we wish to hold on to what is left of Kashmir, we have to make a single-minded and spirited effort to force Pakistan to stop this aggression on our soil. In discussions, it has been stubbornly denying that any such war is on from its side. So, this aspect of the matter has to be left to be dealt by our armed forces. Meanwhile, the talking can also continue--- it has its own worth.

India: The Dolphins are Dying

By Ranjita Biswas

One of the most endearing childhood memories for film actress Nandita Das is of crossing the Brahmaputra by ferry to the north bank of Assam and watching the 'susu' (river dolphins) jumping and frolicking along.

But this may well remain a pleasant memory not only for Das but for quite a few others because today the delightful sight of friendly river dolphins playing in India's rivers is becoming rare. Poaching and pollution have finally taken their toll.

Even a decade ago there were about 5,000 Gangetic Dolphin (Platanista gangetica) in the Ganga and Brahmaputra rivers. Today, their number has dwindled to half with 10 per cent reportedly dying every year. This despite the Gangetic Dolphin being under the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972, and being declared an endangered species in 1996 by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature(IUCN).

Recently, the Patna High Court summoned central and state environment officials to explain the steps taken to stop the continued slaughter of the river dolphin. According to R K Sinha, head of the zoology department of the Patna University, who is also a specialist in the field, there is one significant reason for this state of affairs -- poaching - which has wiped out the dolphins from the Sone river.

Freshwater dolphins are in trouble all over the world. According to World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), which launched a campaign to save the river dolphin in India, the habitat of the dolphin is greatly affected by industrial and agricultural development. "With the increased utilisation of water resources for various development projects, the water quality in the Ganga river has deteriorated considerably, thereby affecting the aquatic environment," says a spokesperson of WWF.

Siltation due to deforestation and the use of pesticides in agricultural fields that drain into the river are some of the other reasons for the dolphins dying. And if present trends continue there may be little time to save these vulnerable river creatures.

The Gangetic Dolphin is one of the only four freshwater dolphin species in the world. The other three are found in the Yangtze river of China, the Indus river in Pakistan and in Latin America. All these freshwater dolphins are endangered.

According to Thomas Jefferson, an American scientist at the Ocean Park Conservation Foundation, the first marine casualty of the new century is likely to be 'baiji' of China. There are about 30 dolphins of this species left in the Yangtze river, with a life expectancy of about 10 years.

"Prospects for the 'baiji' are very dismal. In all honesty it will become extinct," says Jefferson. And according to scientists, India's 'susu' could be another casualty.

Most of India's existing dolphins are found in Bihar. Today, on an average 160 dolphins are killed every year, 100 of which are in Bihar. The stretch between Buxar in central Bihar, and Rajmahal in the newly-formed state of Jharkhand, is the most dangerous for the dolphin. Experts believe that poverty and lack of alternative sources of income could also be a significant reason for their continued killing. WWF points out that these regions are some of the most densely populated in the world.

The increasing use of synthetic fishing nets also sounds the death knell for dolphins. As a species, dolphins live on smaller fish. Since river dolphins have poor eyesight, their echo signals while moving under water in search of food often leads them to the nets. As they go for the fingerlings caught in the net they themselves get caught.

In an effort to conserve this rare species, the country's first dolphin sanctuary, the Vikramshila Gangetic Dolphin Sanctuary was set up in Bihar in 1991. But despite such efforts, the killing of dolphins has been reported even from these areas.

Experts suggest more concerted efforts, encouragement from the government to prepare definite baseline data, involving non-governmental organisations (NGOs) for creating more awareness among fisherfolk and developing eco-tourism as some of the immediate steps that need to be taken for generating funds for conservation efforts. Booking guilty fishermen too could set an example.

The message is and loud and clear. If the Indian 'susu' is to be saved from the plight of the 'baiji' in China, the time to act firmly is now, not in the future. WFS

 



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