EDITORIAL

PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS

Although insurgency in Jammu & Kashmir is in 12th year, it is for the first time that President has lambasted Pakistan so comprehensively while addressing joint session of both Houses of Parliament. He minces no words when he puts the blame for the cross border terrorism squarely on Pakistan. Terrorism apart, President K R Narayanan also castigates Pakistan for vicious anti-India propaganda launched by Pak audio visual media and others. Such propaganda being allowed from Pak soil indicates total acquiescence of Pakistan ......more

TOWERS BLASTED

One after another power transmission towers continue to be blasted by the day. Hardly, the damage done to towers in earlier blasts was repaired that terrorist have succeeded in blasting main line tower near Banihal which feeds power to the Valley. This has resulted in cutting off supply to the Valley fed from Kishanpur-Pampore 220 V line. The damage done is so large that it would take days and ......more

India for gaining foothold
in myanmar to counter
to counter China

By N.B. Menon
Often the subject of criticism in its neighbourhood, New Delhi on February 14 showed that its expertise and resources could be used to promote better......
more

Why only tax payers, rope in the entire nation for bearing the cost of natural calamities?

By M.N. Minocha
The inevitable was to come. And, it came barely six days after the country's worst-ever natural calamity, the earthquake in Gujarat. The tax shock.....
more

The people's constitution

By S Joshi
I feel that it is workable, it is flexible and it is strong enough to hold the country together both in peace time and in war-time. Indeed, if I may say so, if things go wrong under the new Constitution, the reason will not be that ......
more

EDITORIAL

PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS

Although insurgency in Jammu & Kashmir is in 12th year, it is for the first time that President has lambasted Pakistan so comprehensively while addressing joint session of both Houses of Parliament. He minces no words when he puts the blame for the cross border terrorism squarely on Pakistan. Terrorism apart, President K R Narayanan also castigates Pakistan for vicious anti-India propaganda launched by Pak audio visual media and others. Such propaganda being allowed from Pak soil indicates total acquiescence of Pakistan Government because instead of stopping it, there is definite element of justification for the same. For instance when Pak supported militant outfits like Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad besides others talk of hoisting Pak flag on Red Fort or threaten to target PM and Home Minister, it is the duty of any civilised Government to destroy such evil-doers ruthlessly. The fact that there is not a single word of condemnation on such wild statements reflect barbarity at its peak and unbearable level. Those who cloak such of the terrorists in the garb of Jehad reflect not only travesty of religion but also stand charged with attack on humanity and civilisation. When jehadis are termed as 'liberators' and not terrorists, it speaks volumes about the nasty mind-set of Pak rulers. No religion, least of all Islam, prescribes killing of the innocent people in the name of jehad. In fact such of the jehadis let loose on the hapless people of Jammu & Kashmir State hit more civilians whom they pretend to protect and liberate than the security personnel. Pakistan cannot disown its responsibility as a member of United Nations when it allows rampant violation of UN Charter by undermining sovereignty of another Un member i.e. India.

Making reference to the unilateral ceasefire announced on the eve of Ramzan which has been extended twice, President is visibly perturbed over lack of reciprocity and proper response from Pakistan. This is the most vital peace initiative and one would have expected Pakistan to create conducive conditions for starting meaningful dialogue to resolve various contentious issues, Kashmir included. Despite repeated stress by India and other countries the world over, Pakistan has failed to stop transborder terrorism. If anything all attempts, overt and covert, have been made to sabotage the peace initiative. To term jehadis as 'liberators of the oppressed Muslims in J&K' and vow to extend all support to them is negation of truth. Pakistan must peep within PoK and see the level of suppression there. This clearly shows that Pakistan is hell bent upon changing the map of the sub-continent by annexation of Kashmir through means fair of or foul. Obviously, it cannot be allowed such liberties. Peace initiative is futile unless it is positively responded by the other side. Since it has not happened one begins to wonder how long people of wretched State of Jammu & Kashmir shall have to wait for lasting peace. There is no denying the fact that people have thrown their lot behind peace and reject bullets in favour of ballots. They did it during successive Lok Sabha polls. They did it during assembly elections. They have done it again during the ongoing Panchayat elections. Yearning for peace stands further substantiated when Hizbul Mujahideen local Commander Majid Dar announced ceasefire from July 24 only to annual it on August 8 under pressure from fundamentalist rulers in Pakistan. People of Kashmir had greeted that ceasefire with bursting of crackers and display of jubilations galore. It is this mood which is abhorrent to Pakistan rulers. Because this changed mood reflects people distancing themselves from Pak launched terrorism.

President during his address lauds supreme sacrifices made by army and para-military forces under most trying circumstances. During Kargil operation alone more than 500 jawans became martyrs. They continue to secure borders and preserve national integrity quite unmindful of their personal safety. It may be mentioned that President is also the Supreme Commander of Armed Forces. When he makes laudatory references to their determination and chivalry, it means role of the security forces is quite uppermost in his mind. It is precisely in this context that he makes it abundantly clear that action against terrorist organisations would continue relentlessly. One really does not know because ceasefire restrains their pro-active role. With hands tied to the back, such action as mentioned by President against terrorists cannot yield tangible results unless President has in mind to 'review' the unilateral ceasefire in as much as elimination of the mercenaries and their stooges active in J&K State is concerned. For one thing, these mercenaries who are all foreigners have no business to be in the sensitive border State and their elimination remains the pre-requisite to restoration of normalcy. Same applies to their harbourers and other agents provocateurs. This explains delaying of the meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security for extension/revocation of ceasefire. Had the CCS opted for extension, it would have run counter to the address of the President who says that action against terrorist organisations would continue relentlessly.

President's address in fact reflects his Government's concerns and policy directions. It will be watched keenly asto how concerns thus enunciated are addressed in the coming days.

TOWERS BLASTED

One after another power transmission towers continue to be blasted by the day. Hardly, the damage done to towers in earlier blasts was repaired that terrorist have succeeded in blasting main line tower near Banihal which feeds power to the Valley. This has resulted in cutting off supply to the Valley fed from Kishanpur-Pampore 220 V line. The damage done is so large that it would take days and months to restore normal supply to the Valleyites. Even emergency or partial restoration could take upto a week. And who knows that another tower would be blasted the moment supply is restored to the region. At this stage one can analyse the blasting of towers in rapid succession from two distinct angles. First, by aggravating woes of the Valleyites who are already reeling under large curtailments, forces of mayhem want to accelerate pace of alienation of the masses against the State Government. They would like to see the hostile and fully alienated scenario of early nineties. It is easier to alienate but takes years for the dealienation process. In fact, it is part of the other hostile acts in the State which have been masterminded to set the people against State and Central Governments. Second aspect that terrorists want to impress upon is that they reserve the right to strike at random anywhere and anytime. Both State and Central security apparatus is thus humiliated and kept on tenterhooks with the puzzled mind: what next? Alienation of the masses and demoralisation of the security forces besides the State administration are the twin objectives behind recent gory episodes in the troubled State and blasting of the towers in rapid succession.

It would be quite prudent to supply full power drawn from northern gird to Jammu region until repairs are done to the towers and supply restored to Valley. If you surrender it to northern grid it would be fed to other States. So State will be well advised to continue drawing its full allocation by feeding the same to Jammu region. To alleviate the sufferings of the brethren on the other side of Banihal at least partially it would be equally prudent to activate gas turbines already located in Valley. Meanwhile, security of transmission lines and towers must be tightened and those hell bent upon destroying such vital links must be fished out before they cause further damage and the resultant alienation.

India for gaining foothold in myanmar to
counter to counter China

By N.B. Menon

Often the subject of criticism in its neighbourhood, New Delhi on February 14 showed that its expertise and resources could be used to promote better relations with the Government and people of Myanmar. A Rs. 90-crore "gift" to Myanmar in the form of 160-km Tamu-Kalewa-Kalemyo road was inaugurated by the External Affairs Minister, Mr. Jaswant Singh, in the presence of senior Myanmar Ministers. Built by the Border Road Organisation over three years, the project was commissioned and funded entirely by the Ministry of External Affairs. Though a small beginning, the road which links the Indian town to Moreh in Manipur to central Myanmar will soon connect Mandalay, making it theoretically possible to drive from the north-east to the second largest city in Myanmar-Mandalay.

Relations between two neighbours had cooled following the overthrow of democracy in Yangoon. But in 1992, the then Prime Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, took a decision to activate relations with Myanmar which were in a drift particularly after the Armed Forces High Command of Myanmar refused to hand over power to Aung San Suu Kyi.

It is to be remembered that in the initial period after India and Myanmar (then Burma) became independent, Indo-Myanmar relations were very close. Jawaharlal Nehru had visited Rangoon during 1945-46 and was a strong advocate of Burma's independence. His relations with Colonel Aung San - the founding President of Burma and father of Aung San Suu Kyi - and with the second Prime Minister, U Nu, were based on their historical experience against colonial rule and a conviction about convergence of mutual interests.

Indo-Burmese relations were negatively affected when General Ne Win was in power in Rangoon. There was no break in relations, but they were maintained at the formal level and there was not too much economic, political or technological cooperation in bilateral relations during this period. The only exception is the strong and vibrant link of Buddhism remaining unaffected by the disappearance of democracy from Myanmar.

Another factor which created distances between the two countries was the discrimination against people of Indian origin in Myanmar. Myanmar's refusal to become a member of the Commonwealth and the Non-Aligned Movement in its initial stages also contributed to a lack of depth in Indo-Myanmar relations. This situation characterised a profound contradiction in India's relations with one of its most important neighbours because, in terms of geo-strategic location, security considerations, availability of markets and complementarily of mutual economic needs, India's relations with Myanmar, should have been multifaceted and substantial.

The initial insularity of the Myanmar Government and India's ideological reservations about military regimes were at the root of this contradiction. Rajiv Gandhi tried to resolve this contradiction in the late Eighties. Some expansion took place in bilateral trade relations and a beginning was made in providing some defence supplies to Myanmar. Things went into a spin again when the military authorities refused to accept the electoral verdict of their people in 1990.

In any case, the V.P. Singh and Chandra Shekar Governments were so enmeshed in domestic political uncertainties that they were not able to structure a cohesive foreign policy with a clear sense of priorities. It must be underlined that the Government of Myanmar dealt with India's critical reaction to their assuming power with sobriety and without any polemical reactions. Nor did they react to Indian public and media criticism or our Government's attitude by doing anything against India between 1989 and the beginning of 1991.

Important powers like the US, Britain, Germany and Japan tried to generate political pressure on the military regime of Myanmar to give up power to Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy. These nations also formally requested India to join their embassies in Rangoon to present a formal protest against the military regime for not respecting the results of the elections. These countries, however, were hypocritical in this exercise as they continued investing in Myanmar, carrying on their export trade with it while politically opposing the junta. While India did not join them, it did convey its disappointment at the negation of democracy in Myanmar through bilateral diplomatic channels.

One of the considerations which influenced India to revive relations with Myanmar was the latter's geo-strategic importance for India. Myanmar abuts on our sensitive northeastern states and portions of Bangladesh. It shares an equally significant border with China. Thus, the northern frontiers of Myanmar constitute a tri-junction with Bangladesh, China and the eastern frontiers of India. Myanmar is also an important country lying on the rim of the Bay of Bengal. The southeastern coast of Myanmar is close enough to the Nicobar and Andaman islands. So developments in that region could affect our security interests in the Bay of Bengal.

India-Myanmar cooperation to counter narcotics, insurgency and security threats to our northeastern states were acknowledged as imperatives for our foreign policy. It was equally important to ensure that Myanmar does not become part of an exclusive area of influence of other powers in the region with whom India has uneasy relations (China, for instance). This is an objective which would shared by the people and Governments of Myanmar also, with a view to maintaining their independence and freedom of options in dealing with their foreign policy and security concerns. It was, therefore, considered necessary to normalise relations with Myanmar regardless of the kind of government in power there.

The third factor was a sheer rational one. While India remains committed to democracy and related values, there was no reason for India to unilaterally assume responsibility of creating democracies in other countries. This had to be the choice and responsibility of the people of the country concerned.

Preliminary discussions were held between New Delhi and the Myanmar foreign office between February and August, 1992. I was a participant in these discussions, which ultimately led to the visit of the Vice-Foreign Minister of Myanmar, U. Baswe, to India in August 1992. The Myanmar delegation made three points during this visit: one, Myanmar respects India's commitment to democracy and hopes India would be patient about the revival of democracy in Myanmar; two, it acknowledged that security and political concerns existed which are shared by both countries (and, therefore, it was willing to cooperate with India in taking joint action to meet the security and strategic interests of both countries); three, Myanmar was willing to increase economic and technological cooperation with India.

Another issue that India was anxious about was the increasing strategic links between Myanmar and China. The Chinese had already built an all-weather road from Kunmin in China to Mandalay in Myanmar, which they were planning to extend to Yangon. There were also reports of the Myanmar Government providing some visiting and berthing facilities to the Chinese navy.

When these points were raised with the Myanmarese authorities, they responded by saying that they would be ready to accept India's assistance in building up the transportation network in their country. They indicated that they would like India making the road from Imphal and Mandalay and then on to Yangon as a parallel to the Chinese road building activities. They denied any military facilities being given to China and added that they would be willing to give general facilities to the Indian Navy in their ports and on their coasts.

There have been visits of Home Secretaries, Drug Controllers and Ministers of Commerce between the two countries between 1993 and now. Myanmar joining ASEAN and ARF over the last five years adds to the legitimacy of the Myanmar Government in the eyes of other governments in the region. The visit of General Maung Aye is, therefore, timely and contributive to strengthening our bilateral relations. The visit will increase Indo-Myanmar cooperation to prevent insurgency along the sensitive 1,600-kilometre Indo-Myanmar border. Myanmar has problems with Kachins, and we have problems with Naga separatists.

Activating economic and technological cooperation was an important objective of this visit. If India speeds up the building up of the Imphal-Tamu-Kalemayo Road, a true beginning will be made to consolidate Myanmar as a land bridge between India and Southeast Asian countries. INAV

Why only tax payers, rope in the entire nation
for bearing the cost of natural calamities?

By M.N. Minocha

The inevitable was to come. And, it came barely six days after the country's worst-ever natural calamity, the earthquake in Gujarat. The tax shock.

The Union government, which is scheduled to present the 2001-2 budget on February 28, decided on February 1 to promulgate on ordinance to levy an additional two per cent surcharge on income-tax on those with an annual income of Rs. 60,000 and above and an equal rate of additional surcharge on corporate tax. This, according to the government's calculation, will generate an extra revenue of Rs. 1,300 crore. More tremor taxes or surcharges are promised in the forthcoming budget.

Already, there exists a 15 per cent surcharge on both the corporate and income tax, levied ostensibly to cover the cost of Kargil war. The short-lived Kargil war was over two years ago. The surcharge was expected to go at the end of this fiscal. It is now quite certain that the levy will continue under the same name or another head. Thus, the further addition to two per cent tremor tax will make the total surcharge to 17 per cent. This will generate an extra revenue of nearly Rs. 10,000 crore.

However, nobody still has any clear idea about the cost of relief and rehabilitation in the quake-hit Gujarat. The Chief Minister said it would be about Rs. 10,000 crore. The Gujarat Chamber of Commerce said, practically without any basis, it would be Rs. 25,000 crore. There is no official estimate as yet. The question of a central aid can be taken up only after such a reliable estimate. The liability of insurance companies, life and general insurance, will have to be taken into consideration. Gujarat is the country's second most industrially prosperous state, after Maharashtra. Unlike Orissa, which, not long ago, witnessed the worst cyclone in memory, Gujarat has the capacity to absorb at least some financial shock of the earthquake. Several business houses have come forward with financial help, including adoption of some of the devastated villages or settlements. They will lessen the central and the state government's financial burdens.

The government could have probably waited till a proper stock taking of the situation by its official agency or till the next budget. Overseas grants are pouring in. The United States have set up a relief fund under the initiative of the former President Bill Clinton. Overseas Gujaratis and the Gujarati community from other Indian states are also collecting funds for the victims of the earthquake. All these funds cannot be spent overnight. An ordinance is not going to lead to an instant tax collection. The last quarter advance tax is due only on March 31. This is not all. More tax threats and call for sacrifice are being given by senior members of the union government, the Prime Minister not excluded. All this would have been welcome, if the cabinet would have taken a non-traditional route of raising resources by involving a much larger number of citizens in this uphill task of providing relief to the earthquake-hit and rebuild Gujarat, and tap the traditional revenue sources only after that. Instead, the government chose the soft option of taxing the existing assesses, numbering only around two crore in a country which boasts twenty-crore middle class spenders and a population of over 100 crore, to mop up funds for the earthquake victims.

Difficult times call for difficult decisions. And, at this moment, nothing appears to be more difficult for Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and finance minister Yashwant Sinha than taking a decision on to what extent they could use the forthcoming national budget to pay for the earthquake ravaged Gujarat's reconstruction cost. The initial reaction of both the Prime Minister and the financial minister has been in favour for a "harsh budget". And, the ordinance imposing an additional surcharge on both the corporate tax and income tax just four weeks before the budget demonstrates, if anything, a financial panic and more unpopular fiscal measures the government may be forced to resort to in the forthcoming budget.

Although the immediate concern is Gujarat, which is also one of the few BJP-ruled states, the Union cabinet will make a big mistake if it really resorts to a "harsh budget". Such a budget, instead of helping Gujarat recover from the earthquake, could turn out to be calamitous to the entire national economy. Frankly, this is hardly the right time for a harsh budget. The situation, on the contrary, demands lower taxes, larger tax base and more effective tax compliance. The government's own administrative spending needs to be drastically pruned. A rupee saved is a rupee earned. The government is spending too much money on administration. A lot of it is unproductive.

The reconstruction of Gujarat will not be possible if the whole national economy reels under a harsh budget and a plethora of tremor taxes. Economy has already slowed down. The second and third quarter corporate profits are down, forcing corporates to tighten their belts further by cutting ad spends, travel expenses, hotel bills, gifts, discounts, etc.

The stock market is depressed. More unpleasant budget surprises for the country's elite community of 2 crore direct tax payers, including corporates, to raise large funds for Gujarat will have serious impact on the national economy.

Mr. Sinha cannot ignore the rest of the country and wider economic issues that this budget must address to ensure a higher rate of growth with social justice. The budget must provide for funds to rebuild the whole country with special emphasis to Gujarat. The finance minister must give his budget a special direction. It must help build a strong nationwide communications network - the wide two-to-four-lane cross country freeways, which the Prime Minister had announced a year ago, modern ports and docks, airports, telecommunications system, etc., the infrastructure and the core sector.

The power situation in the country is going from bad to worse. Even the national capital, Delhi is witnessing frequent power cuts. Not much funds have been invested in new power plants in the last seven years since the government went slow in taking up electricity generation through the public sector power utilities. A few private sector units, which has set up power plants in the last few years, are robbing the industry and the pubic by charging very high electricity rates. A high cost power, along with a high cost borrowing, will make the country's economy very high cost and uncompetitive. Mr. Sinha's forthcoming budget must make provision and extra-budgetary support to efficient utilities like the National Thermal Power Corporation, National Hydro-electric Power Corporation, Damodar Valley Corporation and Neyveli Lignite Corporation. The finance minister would do well to provide substantial budget support to the Nuclear Power Corporation to step up new units to generate atomic power, which is the cheapest as well as the cleanest energy for future. Nuclear power accounts for only three per cent of the country's total electricity generation.

The finance minister must provide sufficient funds to build a proper social infrastructure for the country's economic growth engine to move to the next gear. The country's social infrastructure has virtually collapsed because of years of neglect by successive governments. The government hospitals and health centres are in a very bad shape. So are the public schools, both primary and secondary. Good community centres and playgrounds are rare even in districts. The state of drinking water supply and sanitation in most parts of the country is extremely poor. States are breaking all rules to install all kinds of cheap pipes, instead of mandatory cast iron spun pipes for water supply, compromising the health of the people just to save a few bucks. The private initiatives in the area of social infrastructure are highly commerdy to the tune of over Rs. 7,000 crore. In several states, they get free electricity to lift water to lubricate their land. They also benefit almost every year from the revision of procurement prices of their products. This is the season when they are most flush with funds. Mr. Sinha could show some courage to introduce at least a special one-time levy on the incomes of these farmers.

If these non-traditional methods are tapped to raise funds by making the budget a little harsh on traditional tax dodgers, Mr. Sinha will have enough funds not only to meet the government's commitment to Gujarat reconstruction, but take up the high cost national infrastructure programme in the right earnest. Such investments will bring a tremendous boost to the economy by way of creating new employment, generating income, higher demands for both wage goods and consumer goods, leading to more production of goods and services. The fiscal year 2001-2 is also crucial for the performance record of the National Democratic Alliance, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party. A calamity budget, raising extra levies from existing direct and indirect tax payers, can let the opportunity go waste. The NDA will be in no position to broaden the government's tax base by taking unpopular decisions later since that will be too close to the national election. INAV

The people's constitution

By S Joshi

I feel that it is workable, it is flexible and it is strong enough to hold the country together both in peace time and in war-time. Indeed, if I may say so, if things go wrong under the new Constitution, the reason will not be that we had a bad Constitution. What we will have to say is that Man was vile.''

Thus spoke Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar in the Constituent Assembly on November 4, 1948 while moving consideration of the Draft Constitution in the House to finalise and adopt the Draft. Dr Ambedkar's words hold good even today.

The Union Government has set up a panel to review the working of the Constitution and is expected to look deep into the matter. For the commonalty, the constitution is a fine piece of legislation. It has been working well for fifty-one years now. Under the provisions of our Constitution, Parliament and in some cases the States, enjoy adequate control over discretionary powers of the Executive to ensure that the Executive may not misuse any provision of the Constitution; and the federal set-up is working well.

The Founding Fathers of our Constitution had prepared the draft after studying all the known Constitutions of the world. Almost 75 per cent of the source of our Constitution is the Government of India Act, 1935. The Fundamental Rights part has been taken from the Constitution of America. An in-depth debate took place on each and every provision of the Draft in the Constituent Assembly.

The most controversial provision of the Draft was Article 277, which is Article 352 in our Constitution, relating to Emergency. Article 277 was in accordance with Section 93 of the Government of India Act, 1935. All sorts of fears were expressed on this Article. Many members including Biswanath Das opposed the provision relating to domestic violence and the power of the Executive to suspend Fundamental Rights.

But Ambedkar clarified while replying to the debate that the Constituent Assembly had adopted the precedent of the United States of America in that regard and that the executive would have to function under Parliamentary control. He stated further that the fears of the members were unfounded because there were provisions for adequate Parliamentary control. Thereafter, Article 277 was adopted with amendments. Whatever action the Executive has taken during this period goes well with the provisions of the Constitution. The Supreme Court has also upheld such action. Since our Constitution is ''workable and flexible'', the provisions, under which the emergency was proclaimed in 1975, were suitably amended in 1979 by the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act. Successful working of our Constitution has been reinforced from time to time because there are strong safeguards in our Constitution against misuse of any provision. The executive has to obtain Parliament's approval for giving effect to the provisions of the Constitution.

As regards Article 356 relating to President's rule in a state, the provisions are very clear. If the Presidential proclamation is approved by both Houses within two months, it is alright.

Failing that it has to be revoked by a subsequent proclamation under Article 356 (2). It is well-known that when a Presidential proclamation under Article 356 was issued in view of the failure of the Constitutional machinery in Bihar, the party in power at the centre did not enjoy majority in Rajya Sabha. Hence, the proclamation had to be revoked.

Further, the Supreme Court has already upheld the use of Article 356. When the Janata Party came to power at the Centre in March, 1977, Legislative Assemblies of nine states were dissolved by Presidential proclamation under Article 356.

Then the States of Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Punjab and Rajasthan filed writ petitions against the Presidential proclamation in the Supreme Court. A seven-member bench headed by Mr Justice M H Beg gave its unanimous verdict on April 29, 1977 rejecting the writ petitions and upheld the dissolution of these States. Another fine and strong safeguard of the Constitution is that if the Constitution is to be amended under Article 368 in respect of some provisions of the statute, then the bill making amendment should be passed in each House by not less than two-thirds of the members of the House present and voting. The bill should also be ratified by the Legislatures of not less than one half of the States.

And, lastly, ours is a federal set-up. Part XI of the Constitution from Articles 245 to 263 devotes to Centre-State relations. The states enjoy full administrative, legislative and judicial powers.

Yet there are certain subjects listed in the Concurrent List of the Seventh Schedule that expect cordial relations between the Centre and the States. States are supposed to comply with the Centre's directions. If some States fail in complying with or giving effect to the Centre's directions, then under Article 365 ''it shall be lawful for the President to hold that a situation has arisen in which the government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.''

PTI Feature

 
 



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