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EDITORIAL Hartals, Bandhs, Curfews. People of this State are quite used to it as one of those things that are part and parcel of life. It may be mentioned that Hurriyat an amalgam of 23 outfits has earned the ignominy of being 'Hartali Party'. They give the call for hartal at the drop of a hat. Be it the Independence Day or the Republic Day or the Accession Day or any other day, it is time to go for hartal. Be it a killing or a brushing. Be it the rape (never mind if it is bogus or planted) or even arrest or disappearance, it is just fine to announce hartal. No wonder valleyites are used to this ritual. They do respond because many amongst the amalgam wield guns which automatically generates fear psychosis amongst the hapless citizens. Of course, Hurriyat takes it as mass backing for its calls which in turn is extensively used by Pak media for propaganda. But life has moved on despite 12 years of insurgency. There have been multiple massacres of the innocent including Amarnath pilgrims. There is no limit to blasts, ambushes and belatedly fidayeen attacks. It has become one of those regular rituals. People comes and people begin to nurse hopes of normalcy dawning sooner than expected. But then the process is interrupted by fireworks. The latest killings of minority community members ...more |
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Who
is answerable for By Dr. Jitendra Singh Break
the deadlock By Prof. S. K. Bhalla By Jagmohan Mathur By M J Akbar Geo-administrative
By Daya Sagar |
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EDITORIAL Hartals, Bandhs, Curfews. People of this State are quite used to it as one of those things that are part and parcel of life. It may be mentioned that Hurriyat an amalgam of 23 outfits has earned the ignominy of being 'Hartali Party'. They give the call for hartal at the drop of a hat. Be it the Independence Day or the Republic Day or the Accession Day or any other day, it is time to go for hartal. Be it a killing or a brushing. Be it the rape (never mind if it is bogus or planted) or even arrest or disappearance, it is just fine to announce hartal. No wonder valleyites are used to this ritual. They do respond because many amongst the amalgam wield guns which automatically generates fear psychosis amongst the hapless citizens. Of course, Hurriyat takes it as mass backing for its calls which in turn is extensively used by Pak media for propaganda. But life has moved on despite 12 years of insurgency. There have been multiple massacres of the innocent including Amarnath pilgrims. There is no limit to blasts, ambushes and belatedly fidayeen attacks. It has become one of those regular rituals. People comes and people begin to nurse hopes of normalcy dawning sooner than expected. But then the process is interrupted by fireworks. The latest killings of minority community members in Mehjoor Nagar amply proves the ugly designs of the enemy which hates peaceful environs. For them shooting is a way of life. The more the anarchy, the more is their recognition and reward from their mentors. So they have a vested interests in perpetuating such deadly acts. One can say that Valleyites have become habituated to such interruptions in their otherwise peaceful life. As regards Jammu and other places this side of Banihal, there is no Hurriyat, no amalgam and no unified dispensation that can speak with one voice. There is a variety though but end result is no different from what is in Valley. The bandhs, the hartals, the curfews. Very often it is the fallout of gory episodes in Valley that find their echo this side of Banihal. It was in the wake of Amarnath pilgrims massacres when city came under curfew. It was the same after Chittisinghpura massacre of Sikhs. It is no different this time when city was exposed to the curfew as a preventive measure. Be it a massacre in Doda or Poonch or Udhampur or Rajouri, winter capital somehow reacts. The violence witnessed this side is though symbolic. The people have begun to wonder asto why they are targeted when things happen on the other side of Banihal. They hate to down their shutters except under threat of violence. The business mind-set of Jammuites welcome all and sundry irrespective of race, creed or religion. Be it the labour from Bihar/Orissa. Be it the KP migrants or Muslim migrants from Valley. Be it the defence personnel and their families. Be it the Mata Vaishno Devi pilgrims. The attitude here reflects the theme, "The more, the merriec" Not that those who come have any regrets. They feel quite at home in the safety, security and camaraderie of Jammu. It is as well true that Jammu provided safe sanctuary to political parties and their leaders/cadres in the early stages of insurgency in Valley and subsequently it became launching pad for their political re-birth. Yes, enough of private nursing homes have cropped up here with the theme of 'cure all'. You just can't provoke Jammuites to fall in traps so assiduously laid by the forces inimical to the State and the country. Here life resumes much faster. Infact, it goes in even during curfew, courtesy criss-cross narrow lanes of the City of Temples. It is all gamely between the cops and the people. One really wonders if there is any need of rough-shod methods when response is positive even otherwise. |
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Who is answerable for these
'massacres' ? By Dr. Jitendra Singh The question is not who has done this ? The question is what next after this? With the mass massacres and public killings becoming a routine in Kashmir and with the killers going scotfree each time, the common man is left with no choice but to wait for the next massacre and pray for his survival through it. It is a tragedy to witness the might of a gigantic Indian nation getting reduced to such a helpless state that there are absolutely no visible safeguards against the militant strikes on innocent people who are haplessly left at the mercy of the fate. The real question is, who is to be held accountable for this? Kashmir today is a testimony to a callously handled, clumsily managed state of affairs. The Government spokesmen are at pains to explain that the latest massacre of innocent Sikhs was master-minded by the forces which are opposed to the restoration of peace in Kashmir or to the resumption of dialogue between India and Pakistan. But, there is also a sizeable section of opinion which strongly believes that certain elements within the Government and the administration itself have a vested interest in the continuance of the present uncertainty and turmoil in Kashmir. A general arguement is that several influential functionaries in the top echelons of ruling polity are very well aware that they can continue in their chairs only as long as militancy continues unabated and nobody else comes forward to dislodge them. It is a strange irony that even though the Government claims to deal sternly with the militants and the terrorists apprehended by it, there is not a single visible instance where an exemplary punishment has been meted out to any of the militants found guilty of involvement in similar killings in the past. If only just five out of hundreds of terrorists and mercenaries were handed out an exemplary punishment, this would have sent a signal and served as a deterrant for others. On the contrary, the militants who are in prisons or in custody find themselves being lavishly treated like State guests. They not only go scotfree but some of them also turn into political activists and leaders when they are out of the prison. The common refrain is that in the State of Jammu and Kashmir there is a premium on being a militant or an anti-national. If you have the skill to black-mail the Govt of India, then you can get away with anything---whether it is murder, corruption, nepotism or back-door appointment. The Centre, on the other hand, seems to have no clear policy on Kashmir. The Prime Minister is keen on diplomatic parleys without realising that this is not to be done from a position of weakness. The Home Minister appears totally confused-- one day he endorses what Farooq Abdullah says and the next day he endorses what Maulvi Farooq says. Meanwhile, the common man is left to fend for himself. If there is a militant strike, it is the common man who is the victim. If there is an encounter, again it is the common man who must bear the brunt. And, if there is a public protest or reaction against a militant killing or massacre, again it is the common man whose life and property are at stake. The common man has none side to look for redemption. Umapathy is caught between the devil and the deep sea. ''.....Idhar Bhi Aki Ke Dushman, Udhar Bhi Deewane.....''. |
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By Jagmohan Mathur Senior Chinese leader Li Peng's nine-day visit to India was a firm indication that our northern neighbour has decided to normalise relations freezed after May, 1998 nuclear blasts. After the tests China joined other four members of UN Security Council who happened to be five recognised nuclear weapon states in condemning India for going nuclear and to force its entry into the exclusive nuclear club. China was more furious as our Defence Minister linked nuclear tests to the perceived security threat from it. China itself conducted series of tests defying world opinion but did not want India to match its nuclear capability. India made it clear that its tests were intended to strengthen its defence capability and not to pose threat to any country. Indian diplomats toured world-wide to explain India's nuclear policy. Gradually International criticism subsided. India took initiative to break the ice when Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh visited Beijing in June 1999, met Chinese leaders and declared that India does not consider China as a threat to its security. Within a year it was followed up by top level visit by President K R Narayanan in May 2000. Narayanan who himself is an expert on Chinese affairs, having spent years in that country on diplomatic assignment, urged Chinese leadership that friendly cooperation between the two neighbours was an historic necessity and stressed urgency of resolving border dispute-President Zemin advised 'patience' and Li Peng who by then had taken over as chairman of National People's Congress but had intimate knowledge of India-China border issue as he was Prime Minister earlier told President Narayanan that ''substantive work'' remained to be done to resolve the dispute. The visit marked a change in Chinese attitude. In July, Chinese Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan came to New Delhi and after discussions with Jaswant Singh, said that efforts to clarify Line of Actual Control would be pursued with greater vigour. In November last year both sides exchanged maps delineated on agreed scale regarding mid sector of Line of Actual Control. The mid sector of border indicates area from Himachal Pradesh to tri-junction on India, Nepal and China in Uttranchal. The Li Peng visit may not be regarded as a return visit to the one by President Narayanan as he is neither President nor Prime Minister currently but politically a very important leader and was given a red carpet reception. He met Narayanan and other Indian leaders. His most significant meeting was with Prime Minister Vajpayee on January 15. Both the leaders expressed satisfaction over the progress made on the clarification of Line of Actual Control. From India's view point this is very slow progress towards settling of border dispute. India and China have more than 4000 kilometre border from Jammu-Kashmir in north-west to Arunachal Pradesh in east. The maps exchanged so far are about 500 km only and maps indicate claims of both sides. The mid sector is least disputed sector and maps have taken seven years since Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao signed agreement with Chinese leader in 1993. It is true that since peace and tranquility agreement signed in 1996, during President Zemin's visit to India peace prevails as both sides promised not to use military capability against each other. But this is also a bitter fact that China continues to be in illegal occupation of about 38,000 sq in the Indian state of Jammu & Kashmir. In addition, under the so called Sino-Pakistan border agreement of 1963, Pakistan illegally ceded 5,180 sq km of Indian territory in Pak-occupied Kashmir to China. As Rajya Sabha was informed on May 4, China still claims approximately 90,000 sq kms of Indian territory in the Eastern sector of the India-China border in Arunachal Pradesh. Some time back Arunachal. Pradesh Chief Minister reported some intrusions in his area. Even on the eve of Li Peng's visit Army Chief General Padmanabhan said in an interview that China's move to build infrastructure, including roads near the Line of Actual Control was creating some problems. The perception of the two nations with regard to the LAC is poles apart. Thus there are differences on border issue but both sides have agreed to resolve it ''as soon as possible''. Li Peng in an interview consultation and mutual accommodation, we will be able to find, through candid and peaceful negotiations, a final solution acceptable to both sides. Li in his address to scholars at India International Centre admitted that there are problems but far sighted statesmanship can help resolve them. He declared that China does not perceive India as a security threat and nor India should view China as one. During his meeting with Indian Parliamentarians, Li reiterated that India and China does not perceive India as a security threat and nor India should view China as one. During his meeting with Indian Parliamentarians, Li reiterated that India and China do not pose any threat to each other. A 27-member India China friendship Group was set up to promote regular Parliamentary exchange between the two countries. Li said India is an important neighbour to China with whom developing good neighbourly relation is a consistent guiding Principle of Beijing's foreign policy. As the two largest developing countries, India and China have the obligation to work actively and cooperate in international arena. One of the irritant in developing close relations with China for us has been its nexus with Pakistan. Li Peng in an interview, said there was some misunderstanding among Indian friends on Sino-Pakistan strategic links. But military trade and cooperation between China and Pakistan are conducted in full compliance with MPs he denied reports that China was supplying nuclear technology to Pakistan. He said there was supplying nuclear technology to Pakistan. He said there was traditional friendship with Pakistan which was being used for economic development. On this point he failed to convince India as whole world know that China has been helping Pakistan militarily and supplying missiles which are posing danger to India. On Kashmir issue Li said the long history of the conflict suggests that military means cannot bring a settlement and only peaceful talks will lead to a final solution. On international terrorism, Li expressed his country's readiness to cooperate with all countries including India but he was not forthcoming on Pak sponsored terrorism which is a core problem for India. On India's claim for permanent membership of UN Security Council, he avoided positive reply and said ' we fully understand India's aspirations. Given its size and importance. However from the complexity of matter it appears that decision can only be taken after wider consultation. During the last leg of his tour, Li visited Bangalore and Hyderabad and was impressed with India's strides in Information Technology and hoped for cooperation in field of software. Thus Li's visit succeeded in enhancing understanding between the two countries and in creating productive ground for forthcoming visit by Chinese Prime Minister. PTI Feature |
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By M J Akbar Mahatma Gandhi did not once mention the name of the Indian National Congress during his tour of north Bihar after the great earthquake of 1934. This was deliberate and no made this plain in case anyone had missed the point. He had come to help a ravaged people, not to sell a political party. This must have been the longest single spell in public life when he did not mention the Congress; he reached Patna on March 11 and stayed for almost a month before entering Assam on April 10. God was much on his mind that month the unpredictability of God, the illogic of inequity if God was synonymous with justice, the relationship between sin and divine wrath. He was in the South on his anti-untouchability campaign, living through a period of intense conviction, a time when he called himself a Harijan. He told a meeting at Alleppey on January 18; ''I tell you what I want to do with the Hindu religion. I want to purify it of the sin of untouchability and to exercise the devil of untouchability which has distorted and disfigured Hinduism out of all recognition.. It is not a small movement, but a big movement fraught with great consequences.'' On 20th Trivandrum welcomed Gandhi with a government order opening public wells and roads to untouchables. On the 21st the Mahatma got a telegram from Babu Rajendra Prasad : ''Earthquake has wrought terrible havoc. ruining Monghyr, Darbhanga, Muzaffarpur and Motihari. The last two districts flooded by the waters sprouting from beneath surface. Death casualties anything between ten and fifteen thousand and countless injured. Indescribable damage to property. Appalling suffering.'' Gandhiji wrote to Prasad the same day a sentence that distils the helplessness of man against the havoc of nature. ''I am being crushed to pieces, still I talk, laugh and seem to enjoy, for I have to do that. But I am thinking of it all the twenty-four hours.'' The earthquake had struck at 2.15 in the afternoon on January 15 and stretched a thousand miles from its epicentre. Gandhiji began collecting funds for the stricken in ''the land of Sita'' at a meeting in Tinnevelly on January 24, in words that need to become part of our consciousness today: ''In the face of this great calamity over which we have no control, let us forget that some of us are Congressmen and others are non-Congressmen, that some of us are Hindus and others are non-Hindus, that some are officials and others are non officials, and that some are Englishmen and others are not. Let us remember that we are all Indians eating Indian grain and salt, and living on the dumb Indian masses. And as such, let us act and work with one will and absolute unity.'' Then came the controversy. ''For me'', said Gandhiji, ''there is a vital connection between the Bihar calamity and the untouchability campaign.'' He expounded on the theme in the next issue of Harijan.'' the calamities such as the Bihar one, come to mankind as chastisement for their sins. I regard untouchability as such a grave sin as to warrant divine chastisement. I am not affected by posers such as 'why punishment for an age-old sin,' or 'why punishment to Bihar and not to the South', or 'why an earthquake and why not some other form of punishment. My answer is that: I am not God.'' This became a bit of a social earthquake of its own, sending tremors across, India. Rabindranath Tagore publicly rebuked the Mahatma: ''It has caused me a painful surprise to find Mahatma Gandhi accusing those who blindly follow their own social custom of untouchability, of having brought down God's vengeance upon certain parts of Bihar, evidently, specially selected for His desolating displeasure. It is all the more unfortunate, because this kind of unscientific view of phenomena is too readily accepted by a large section of our countrymen...'' There was much more in this vein. Gandhi was unlazed, writing, again in the Harijan, ''To me, the earthquake was no caprice of God, nor a result of a meeting of mere blind forces''. He continued his tour of the South, interrupting it on March 9 only after an urgent SOS from Rajendra Prasad. He reached Patna on March 11, the next day, Monday, was his day of silence. On the 13th he went around Patna and on Wednesday left by car for Motihari. This was no ''aerial survey'' by a VIP. This was another meeting of the poorest Indians and the man who had become a god in their hearts. Agatha Harrison has left an account of Gandhiji's tour of earthquake shattered Bihar. ''How can I describe these two days to you? With the exception of a few miles of route in the outlying districts we drove between walls of people. As we neared a village or town, these human walls would press in almost to the point of suffocation in an effort to see this much-loved man, Mahatma Gandhi. Sometimes, through sheer fatigue, he would curl up on the seat and sleep and I would talk with Babu Rajendra Prasad. As we neared a village, and the mator slowed down. Babu Rajendra Prasad on one side, and the chauffeur on the other, would lean out and call softly in Hindustani, '' He sleeps''. These words would be echoed by the people. But even this did not deter them from pressing around the car, though quite quietly, in an effort to see Mr Gandhi. From my vantage point I saw the expression on their faces, and was dumb. For it was as though they had seen a God.'' Gandhi was a tough God. He had only one message for the people of his country in the hour of their desperation: ''Work, work, do not beg, but work, ask for work to do, and do it faithfully.'' Would he have recognised the India fifty years after his death, a nation of holidays and foreign debt? In 1934 all that an Indian got for this work was two annas a day for a man, one anna for a woman and half an anna for a child. But he dreamt that the earthqake will be turned into a blessing.'' How? Through regeneration of the spint. When he saw the ruined palaces and temples of Rajnagar he felt crushed then he remembered Kunti's prayer: ''O Lord, send me misery and misfortune test I forget Thee.'' Divine wrath was a consequence of sin.The answer was faith and change. This, ''he said in Moitihari, ''is no time for talking I have come to see and help you, and not to talk. But there are just two things I want to say to you. The first is this. The relief committees have the money, and either beggars or workers will take it. And I want no beggars It would be deplorable if this earthquake turned us into mendicants. Only those without eyes, or hands, or feet, or otherwise until for work may ask for alms. For the able bodied to beg is, in the language of the Gita to become thieves.'' The rich never understood the Mahatma, although they joined the mood he created, the storms he raised in the heart as he struggled to liberate Indians from themselves first, and from the British later. But the poor understood him perfectly. He was the messiah they had been waiting for. He had every right to admonish them, to instruct them to challenge their beliefs like untouchability, to tell them that an earthquake was all their fault and still retain their love and loyalty, for he was one of them. Their suffeirng was his, their hut was his, their food was perhaps a little more than his. He were nothing more than their loincloth. One look from him, one touch of his hem and they found the peace that had eluded them all their lives, the hope that they could pass on to their children Mirabehn accompanied Gandhiji when he visited Orissa on his anti untouchability mission in May that year. She tells two stories. One evening, while the group was walking through villages with people lined along the way, an old woman, hair white, eyes dimmed, appeared before them, fluttering, asking anyone who would listen, ''Where he? Where is he? I must see him,'' Noticing her, Gandhiji paused and called her. She rushed to him and peered through her ageing eyes Gandhiji laughed, put his hand under her chin and teased her, ''Can you see me properly now?'' Lifted by joy, she put her arms around him, and gently lay her head on his breast. As she went back to the crowd her face was a picture of pure bliss. One morning Gandhiji announced that he was ready for the attentions of a barber. To his surprise, a heavily ornamented woman appeared. She was the village barber, and gave him a perfect face-and-head shave. The Mahatma could not resist giving the barber some advice, about her ornaments, asking her why she wore them, telling her that they were ugly. Crestfallen, the barber replied that she had borrowed the ornaments especially for his occasion; she could not have come to Gandhi looking plain. He argued; she gave him a sweet smile and sent off to turn her attentions towards two other members of the party who needed her professional help. The moment she was paid her fee for three shaves she returned to the Mahatma, placed the money at his fee without a word and left. Along with so much in Gujarat, a statue of Mahatma Gandhi also slipped from its pedestal in the earthquake. That was nature, indiscriminate. The ground has been slipping from beneath the Mahatma's feet for some time now in our India. |
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Geo-administrative order of Maharaja's J&K By Daya Sagar Jammu & Kashmir State,
a princely State of British Empire (Greater Insurgency and militancy that had hit Kashmir valley in late eighties of twentieth century has today nearly engulfed the whole of J&K. Physical and material loss that the people of J&K have suffered may appear draft before the social and communal divides that appear immenent on the agenda of some elements. It is not militancy that should only concern those who are sincere to the people of J&K, the "reconstruction" of social matrix is rather more worrying now. Inter regional divides too are emerging in J&K and there is utmost need to remedy the local regional doubts and grievances lest such issues gather as much disturbing stress and strains as the anti-India insurgency has surely done till this day. Corruption, maladministration, regional discrimination, neglect and communal distrust appear to have started agitating the "wills" against Indian Government even of those subjects of J&K who never reared any anti-India or pro-Pakistan ideas inspite of their having the grievance that national leadership in Modern India has been all along more accommodating even those from Kashmir valley who at occasions still talked of doubts in the 1947 accession and even advocated Kashmiriat over Indian Nationality. Question of Regional Councils has been carried to demand for reorganisation of J&K State into Regions terminating into separate states or Union Territories in Indian Dominion. How fair and practical is the demand of those who are asking from re-organisation of J&K State as has been done for Punjab, Uttar Pardesh, Bihar and Madhya Pardesh must be seen from civil and administrative points of view rather than looking it from the religious or communal angles. A fair and honest trail could be done by looking at the civil and administrative structure of the Princely State of J&K as it was administered by Maharaja Hari Singh Ji immediately before Maharaja acceded to Indian Dominion. Princely State of J&K: The State of Jammu and Kashmir as was ruled & administered by Maharaja Hari Singh Ji Bahadur immediately before 14/8/1947 was larger than the Princely State of Hyderabad; it was two thirds of the size of Bombay Presidency and as large in area as the State of Mysore, Bikaner, Gawalior and Baroda put together. The State lies between 32 degree- 17' and 36 degree -58' North Latitude; and 73 degree -26' and 80 degree-30' East Longitude and was the largest State of India. In addition to small strip of land along the borders of Jammu (a continuation of the great plain of Punjab), and a bleak tract adjoining the Karakorum Mountains, the territories of his Highness the Maharaja Bahadur of Jammu and Kashmir included valleys formed by the Chenab and the Jhelum and the middle reaches of the Indus. Civil Administration:- For the purposes of Civil Administration the State was divided into three parts:- The Province of Jammu; the Province of Kashmir and the district of Ladakh. The head of revenue administration in the Province of Jammu and Province of Kashmir was a Governor (Provincial) and Ladakh District was under a Wazir Wazarat. Each province was divided into districts called Wazarats. Kashmir Province:- The Jhelum Valley (consisting of the Valleys that drain into the Jhelum and the Kishanganga rivers) situated at over 5,000 feet about the seal level and the beautiful lateral valleys of the Sindh and the Liddar(the three together forming the famous Kashmir Valley) and the hilly tract of Muzaffarabad included in this division. The mountains enclosing this track have average attitude of 8,000 to 10,000 feet though many of the peak reach 14000 to 15,000 feet. In Muzaffarabad District-agriculture was precarious and the cultivated area was small. The area of the Division (Kashmir Province) is 8,539 square miles (approximately 22,200 Kilometres); the provisional figure of population at the census of 1941 was 17,28,686 souls (as per the administrative reports released by Maharaja's Government). District. Tehsil Niabat Anantnag Anantnag -Kulgam. -Awatipura -Srinagar -Baramulla Baramulla.Saripratap Gurez Sopore.singpura Uttarmachhipura. Muzaffarabad Muzaffarabad -Uri. -Karnath - Astore (Under a revenue Assistant) Bunji. Jammu Province: a/. It extended over the semi-mountainous Tract, consisting of the plain contiguous to the Punjab and broken Kandi country skirting the Himalayan ranges. The rivers Ravi, Chenab and Jhelum and several perennial streams flow through the southern plain area, which bordered upon several Punjab districts. b/It further extended over the outer hills, consisting of the comparatively low hills to the south of the mountain ranges. This division comprises the whole area covered by the ranges of low hills to the south of the Pir Panjal mountains which divide the two provinces of Jammu and Kashmir. The hills in Bhadarwah reach heights of over 5000 feet The higher elevations are covered with pine and deodar forests. Much of the mineral wealth of the State lies buried in this part of the country, particularly in and near Reasi. The area of Jammu Province as per above was 12401 sqr miles (approximately 32200 square kilometres) and the population as per provisional figures of 1941 census was 20,01,557 souls. District Tehsil Niabat Jammu. Jammu -Samba -Akhnoor -Ranbirsinghpura - Mirpur. Mirpur NausheraBhimber -Kotli - Udhampur Udhampur Ramban Ramnagar Bhadarwah Kishtwar Reasi Reasi Rajouri. Gulabgarh. Kathua Kathua Jasmergarh Basohli District of Ladakh The river Indus having its source in Lake Mansarovar in Tibet traverses the whole of this division running from south-east upto the bend round Nanga Parbat; where it assumes a southwesterly course. Except in Gilgit, the ranges in this division vary from 17,000 feet to 22,000 feet. The cultivable area in the Ladakh district was very small and the mountains in the north stretch upto the Pamirs, and reach great heights one of the peaks Mt. Godwin Astin, 28,265 feet above the sea level was the second highest peak in the world. Grim ( a kind of wheat) was the Chief crop and can grow even at a height of 15,000 feet. The small tract of Gilgit enjoys good ultimate and cultivation, and produces wheat and other crops and fruits. With the transfer of lease of the Trans-Indus illaqa to the Government of India, the Cis-Indus are comprising Tehsil Bunji which was formerly included in the Gilgit district was amalgamated with the Ladakh district during (1935-36). It was later on placed under a revenue-Assistant and was included in the province of Kashmir. The area of the whole division of Gilgit and the frontier illaqas of Skardu, Ladakh and Kargil is 63,554 sqr. miles (approximately 1,65,000 sqr. kilometres). The population was very sparse; the provisional figures of total population at the census of 1941 was 3, 11, 915. District Tehsil Niabat 1. Ladakh Ladakh - Kargil - Skardu - Jammu Province and its Social Matrix Though the demand for reorganisation of the J&K are 'Infant', the damage that could result of neglect appear wild. Many have started raising communal overtones against the demand for reorganisation of J&K and are trying to agitate the religious passions of peace loving people of Jammu (Province) against those who are calling for carving of a separate State of Jammu over the region that was Jammu Province of erstwhile princely State of Maharaja Shri Hari Singh Ji Bahadur wherein Muslims formed 77 percent of total population (4021616 as per 1941 census) of the State and Jammu Province still extended over larger domain as compared to Kashmir province without communal overtones and considerations. Since the common man has very less information and is innocent, some have succeeded in even terming the demand for separate of Jammu as a Hindu dominated area demand, which surely it is not. There may not be immediate reorganisation of J&K in the coming years, but huge demange could be done even to the social matrix of Jammu Province by the communal minded and mischievous elements if they are not checked and the innocent subjects of J&K are not rightly informed. They argue: Underfair logic J&K appears to have three district regions that could qualify for reorganisation. Some argue that it would also give total opportunity to Kashmir Valley (Region) to nourish Kashmiriat socially and administratively to the local choice since for last five decades the prime and ruling leadership has seen J&K only in Kashmiriat over all other social needs of other regions and have also been complaining that after Independence Kashmiriat has been neglected in India. Logic if to be contested by the otherside, it has to be calmly and effectively done. Damage could be done: There may not be immediate reorganisation of J&K in near future, but huge damage could be done even to the social matrix of Jammu Province by the communal minded and mischievous elements if they are not checked and innocent subjects of J&K are not correctly informed. |
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