EDITORIAL
Confusion of
threat and response?
One believed that it was
the wide world that discovered the terrorism on the 11th
September, while India had known the menace and its
dimensions for last two decades. But it now appears that
was not so. The galaxy of Indian intellectuals is only
now, months after the American discovery, finding out
that the terrorism is indeed a threat to the civil
society! Going through the gemsemerging
from an intellectual deliberation in New Delhi one gains
the impression that the participants had been living in
those ivory towers where they are famed to live, away and
out of touch with the life and reality. That they have
neither seen nor known the hell Indians have been going
through for the last two decades. But one of the
participants there has not only been active in the
political life of the nation for this period but has
actually been the Prime Minister of the nation. It was
the venerated I K Gujral who made the newest discovery
that terrorism threatens the civil society as if the
nation had heard of terrorism after seeing the photos of
WTC attacks. And speaker after speaker, says the report
of the debate, endorsed the truth Gujral had revealed!
It is natural that this
level of awareness would not think of the measures for
combating the menace. It did not. Even as intellectual
after intellectual reiterated that terrorism was a threat
that menaced the civil society none of them thought it
was necessary to think of measure to root this evil out
of the nation and safeguard the society againt the
threat. The put forth those old thesis of vulnerable
sections and poverty and political empowerment that have
been the pet theme of the leftist intelligentsia for a
long time. None of them ever takes note whether their
theories had been able to provide the two meals and
social security to the masses in USSR, in China, in
Vietnam and Sundry other places. Or, whether the regimes
there had secured the people there against the exploiters
in Government banished corruption and nepotism or ushered
in a society that was any different from other societies.
And none would stop to admit that those people and
countries were governed under laws more harsh than any.
TADAs, any MISAs, any POTOs. But for India the only
allowed responses are the ordained
prescriptions, which must be tried again and again. And
they must offer as causes those very factors which
history and experience over vast areas and continents
have shown to be flawed.
That is why they did not
offer any measures. The measures, they said, are all
listed in the socialist prescriptions without hinting
that have repeatedly failed. For them it is enough that
they have discovered that terrorism is a threat to the
civil society. They have reached only this far and the
nation must wait till they make further discoveries
there. Till they realize that the threat to the
civil society also needs to be fought. Probably,
then they would recognize that there is need to enforce
the laws of the State, need to equip the State with new
powers and also a need to change the mindsets. For the
present they, apparently, deem it enough that the danger
has been named! So the next thing the intellectuals did
was reject POTO. Without going into the reasons because
they had not been asked to or that they had not reached
that stage in analysis. But the nation is faced with this
threat, has been facing it for the last two decades. The
men and women are being killed. Security men, officers,
jawans and civilians are being gunned down. The
terrorists are menacing the society in a big way. They
are even challenging the integrity of the nation. But the
responsible people of this nation, the elite and the
enlightened are still steeped in outdated constructs and
confusions. The biggest of them being the perception of
the threat but no need to suggest to solution.
Lawyers standing in the
family way!
The report of the
Parliamentary Committee on the empowerment of women has
made the important recommendation that the lawyers be
eliminated from the family courts. the lawyers, says the
high-powered committee, are responsible for the delay in
settlement of the disputes. Though the lawyers would
claim otherwise and swear that the lawyer is there to
assist the course of justice and even speed it up, every
litigant knows that the committee has struck the devil on
the head. The role of lawyers in derailing the justice is
shown in reel after reel, in film after film from the
bollywood in such detail. The litigants' claim that the
reality is grimmer, that the shadow of the lawyer upon
the law is darker. Accordingly the recommendation of the
parliamentary committee would be met with appreciative
understanding from the large community of the people who
are being forced to languish their lives out in the
family courts. Indeed lawyers have been single biggest
stumbling stone in the of speeding up the process of law.
It is said that it is the
protracted course that justice takes in this country,
which allows the lawyers to overturn justice. Without
engaging in the riddle of whether the law or the lawyer
came first, it can be said with certainty that lawyers
are not aiding the administration of justice in this land
where speedy and sure justice is needed so eminently.
Last year Jethmalani had a graphic experience of how hard
the lawyers hate any quickening of the process of law. Of
course, the lawyer's relevance is directly proportional
to the time a case takes. But the laws and courts are not
there to provide employment to the legions of lawyers.
The primary aim is to deliver justice and a delayed
justice is always seen as denied justice. Law gains
respect and relevance when it has meaning in the temporal
frame. Would the visions of this committee visit other
committees and commissions that want to make justice a
real thing in this country?
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Army
must move towards high tech warfare
By Maj
Gen V K Madhok (Retd)
Recently
an ex Army Chief while commenting on US
strategy and operations in Afghanistan
has raised some issues concerning the use
of Technology viz Man Power. There is a
tendency in the Army in particular, to
throw in the Infantry before using all
those fools which Technology has made
available to the military. The incursions
in Kargil could have been avoided, had
the Army made use of RPVs (remote piloted
vehicles) helicopter borne observation
posts, satellite reconnaissance alongwith
IAF's reconnaissance capability and so on
to keep a watch over those areas
adjoining the LOC which had been left
'Naked" for the infiltrators
to do as they pleased. Accordingly, it is
time for the armed forces to move towards
High Tech Warfare without delay.
High
technology warfare involves the use of
electronics (the ability to jam command
and control structures, intercept
communication networks, contaminate
computers or take electronic counter
measures), stealth (ability to fly combat
aircraft into enemy territory without
detection and in due course launch
submarines and even missiles); satellite
support (for surveillance, acquisition of
real time information; provision
of safe communications over long
distances and navigation); missiles and
PGMs (precision guided munitions or one
hit capability weapons) with difterent
types of warheads (high explosive,
chemical or nuclear).
Besides,
it requires self seeking and anti-missile
capability, amphibious and rapid
deployment capability by means of
helicopters, aircraft , ships or landing
craft, an all weather capability to fight
by day or night (including night vision
devices for ground troops as well as
pilots), early warning systems, air
refuelling capability, use of RPVs and so
on. In a nutshell, high technology should
provide two types of capability to our
commanders and the armed forces. First,
it should place all relevant data
concerning enemy and own troops, which
has been collected in the past, updated
with gadgets and stored in computers,
meshed with real-time information at the
push of a button, on a TV screen, in
front of military commanders from the
brigade level upwards and their
equivalents in the other services.
This will
enable them to scrutinise their military
missions, consider computer options
detect grey areas, fill up the gaps with
various gadgets and then take decisions
to finalise their plans with speed.
Secondly,
so far as the troops and units are
concerned, they would need to be provided
with enhanced mobility. That is, the
ability to move over long distances with
speed which is the soul of war. Further,
technology should provide enhanced
ability for survival to troops (with
anti-chemical suits, gas masks and
helmets), tanks, ships and aircraft, as
well as cater for the best possible
weapons. The advanced nations have
already reached a stage today where they
have the options to fight a conventional,
a high technology conventional (as
witnessed in the Gulf war and is being
witnessed in Afghanistan) or a nuclear
war. And within the next three to four
years, they will be in a position to
fight a battle in space with the use of
anti-Satellite weapons.
Besides,
it is in wartime that the soldiers
true innovative genius is awakened and
therefore, they have been busy in
improving upon their current technology
and thinking of newer tools of war. But
the options for a country like India and
its neighbours are limited. They can at
best, prepare to fight a high technology
conventional war. However, Indias
space programmes, the technological base
nurtured in the last 54 years, the fact
that the country has the third largest
pool of scientists and technologists in
the world and the successes achieved in
various field give it a positive
advantage of being in a position to plan
and exploit the use of space support
systems.
This,
however, does not negate the necessity of
having the ability to fight in a nuclear
environment now that Pakistan has
acquired the bomb and China is a major
nuclear power. Therefore, the situation
as one reads it today is that India is in
a position to plan and achieve a high
technology conventional warfare
capability with indigenous efforts. But
this can only be done if the right thrust
is given to military technology and the
armed forces can visualise possible
future battlefield scenarios and
articulate their combat philosophy.
Pakistan on the other hand would try to
do the same with foreign collaboration
(particularly China), part self-effort
and mostly imports. And China,
Indias second opponent, would,
however, continue to enlarge its existing
capabilities. An important question is
does the country have the necessary
infrastructure and the will to achieve
this.
The answer
is loud and clear, it is the country with
high technology which will not only be in
a position to win wars but will be
adequately prepared and equipped to
prevent these. India is in a position to
win wars, provided a high degree of
coordination is brought about between the
scientist, the soldier and civil
entrepreneur. And this is a
requirement which cannot be fulfilled
without Defence Ministers personal
intervention.
The most
important ingredient of Indias
military philosophy would therefore have
to be based on the principle that, in
modern wars in which weapons change and
improvements are made rapidly, an army
which is 20-30 years behind an opponent
will not have even the ghost of a chance
to win. It should also now be based on
the principle that war is primarily a
matter of weapons, it is the machine
power with technical manpower which wins
wars. Indian armed forces should
therefore aim at a shift to acquire the
ability for high technology conventional
warfare. The race for this should have
already begun long ago in case it has
not. The team-mates in this medley race
are the scientists (both in R&D
and the space organisation), the soldier
end the defence industry (both public and
private).
They have
to compete against the bureaucratic
machinery and its delays, the tendency to
import readily available second
generation mlitary technology, an
inclination to let indigenisation rot
instead of giving it a push and momentum.
One thing
is certain, without the participants in
the race getting together there is no
hope of achieving the target of high
technology conventional warfare
capability.
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Travails
of displacement
By
Asmita Kabra
Baijanti
is busy in her sparsely furnished but
neat pator or hut, preparing for the
two-day journey back inside Kuno wildlife
sanctuary, to their old home in the
abandoned village of Meghpura. She, her
husband Indal, and their five children
are going by bullock cart for 15 days,
during which they would round up and look
after their cattle. All their cows,
buffaloes and goats had been left inside
the sanctuary when the family had shifted
to their new home in the resettled
village of Meghpura, near village Agraa
outside the sanctuary. "We could not
bring the animals with us, because there
was no guarantee of getting two square
meals even for ourselves, leave alone
fodder for the animals", Baijanti
says.
Their
family and all others in their village
have received two hectares of land as
part of the rehabilitation package from
the Kuno sanctuary management, but for
many of them, the quality of this land is
a far cry from the land they used to
cultivate inside the sanctuary. "It
has now been two years since we came away
from our old village and still there is
nothing we have here. Our land is full of
boulders, crops have failed, and my
children have had no milk or ghee to eat
for months. How long can we go on like
this?" Now, Baijanti has served
notice on her husband. She says she will
not come back from old Meghpura, even if
indal chooses to come. ''I will stay
there and lock after my cows, and he can
return if he wants toll, she says,
pointing to her husband.
Indal,
however, looks far from happy with this
situation, because he knows that life
inside the sanctuary is not a bed of
roses. The area is cut off from all
development infrastructure, and also has
a serious law and order problem, being
part of the infamous Chambal belt, and
the shifting away of all other villages
has taken away what little security they
used to have earlier. Moreover, all these
villages have been shifted out as part of
preparations for the lion reintroduction
project, under which Kuno wildlife
sanctuary is being readied to receive a
small population of the threatened
Asiatic lion (Panthera leo persica) from
Gir National Park in Gujarat. Already,
about Rs.11 crores have been spent by the
sanctuary management on the lion project,
including expenses on resettlement and
rehabilitation of 24 villages living
inside the sanctuary. Indal knows that
the sanctuary management would not
welcome the move back to the sanctuary by
the villagers.
Dissatisfaction
has been simmering among the villages
relocated from Kuno wildlife sanctuary
under the lion reintroduction project
because of what they call failure of the
Kuno sanctuary management to provide
these villages with adequate
rehabilitation.
Matters
came to a head in early September 2001,
when many tribal members of five
relocated villages, namely Paira
(Adivasi), Jakhoda, Meghpura, Laddar and
Durreri, organized a well-attended
meeting in Meghpura at Indal's house.
This was actually a culmination of a
number of small gatherings that had been
going on for quite some time. During the
meeting, the people present unanimously
decided that in the light of declining
living standards and widespread distress
after their relocation, they would return
to their original villages inside the
sanctuary until improved livelihood could
be provided to them at the rehabilitation
site. Their main demands included fertile
land, defined by the farmers as land with
a soil depth of at least four hands,
irrigation facilities for each
agriculture plot, education facilities
and electricity
During the
meetings, the displaced people (over 90
per cent of whom are Sahariya tribals)
were claimed that these were the major
promises made by the forest department to
induce them to move away from their
original villages inside the sanctuary.
However, there is not a single village in
which all these promises have been
fulfilled in totality till date. The
villagers thus see the threat of shifting
back to their old villages as a
last-ditch and desperate attempt to force
the sanctuary management to get its act
together and fulfil its promises.
"These five villages have vowed
unanimously in front of the gods that we
will not return from our old villages
till our demands are met by the forest
department", a village elder said.
The
village meetings have since been followed
up by a rally (padyatra) to Sheopur, the
district headquarters, organized by the
displaced villagers between Ist-10th
October 2001, to draw attention to their
plight. They presented a memorandum to
the district collector outlining their
major demands.
How
justified is their demand? Given the
trend of agricultural yield at the
rehabilitation site for past three years
and the present economic condition of the
displaced tribals, it seems clear that
except a few influential families, the
majority have suffered a significant
decline in living standards. This is true
most especially of the families that have
received poor quality of agricultural
land as part of the rehabilitation
package, and these households are not
even able to meet their subsistence needs
satisfactorily.
Crops have
failed for the third consecutive year.
Why? "The rain god has betrayed
us", says one farmer from village
Jakhoda. Meanwhile, access to other
livelihood resources like fodder for
cattle (and therefore milk and milk
products) and non-timber forest produce
has declined after displacement from Kuno
sanctuary. As a result, there is severe
economic pressure on these families, and
their level of indebtedness to local
moneylenders has gone up. Moreover, in
many cases even loans (in cash or kind)
from local moneylenders are not available
to them because of their low repayment
capability.
However,
the general opinion is that two more
factors, which are not natural but
man-made, have added to their woes.
Firstly, the quality of land allotted to
the displaced families is not good,
especially when compared to the type of
land they were used to cultivating at
their original villages. Although
agricultural experts say that this land
cannot be categorised as uncultivable, in
general the soil depth and soil moisture
conditions are much poorer than what was
available inside the sanctuary.
Particularly, there are individual
agricultural plots that are extremely
rocky, and cannot be cultivated, and in
many cases people have not been allotted
alternative land in lieu of such plots.
While there are also many instances of
such plots having being changed, the
forest department finds this an uphill
task, since the number of objections is
too large and there is very little extra
land available.
The
important thing to note here is that the
eagerness to go back to the sanctuary is
greatest in those villages where problems
relating to land quality are more severe,
i.e. the number of affected families is
high.
The second
important factor that has prompted the
exodus of villages away from the
relocation site has been the absence of
assured irrigation. Last year, the
sanctuary management distributed funds
among the villagers for digging around 60
irrigation wells. However, none of these
could be completed in time for the kharif
crop, due to delays in disbursement of
funds. This implied directly that almost
all plots (except those located near the
two local rivers, Kwari and Jhilmil,
whose owners have managed to save their
crops by pumping water from the rivers)
remained unirrigated. Villagers complain
that the department did not pay them
wages in time, and therefore they could
not complete the wells before the onset
of the monsoons.
This seems
to be a valid complaint, because the
number of wells being dug was far more
than that the numbers for which funds
were available in the budget for the year
2000-2001. This coupled with the fact
that none of the three proposed lift
irrigation projects were functional
before the end of August (this was the
time when the kharif crop needed water to
survive) made matters worse. Thus, three
agricultural cycles after village
relocation began, the sanctuary
management has not been able to assure
irrigation to any relocated village.
This year,
there have been no effective emergency
support progammes (like food for work) to
help the villagers in tiding over their
difficulties. The villagers had no
savings to fall back upon while their
crops matured, so they have borrowed
heavily against their standing crops.
Now, since both bajra and tilli crops
have died, moneylenders are unwilling to
extend any further loans to these
farmers.
The
displaced villagers do not deny the fact
that the forest department is trying hard
to fight the impending crisis, and even
grant that some day it may succeed.
However, they argue that they do not have
the economic strength to hold out till
then. "We cant afford to wait
here and die", a man from village
Meghpura said. "The department must
allow us to go back and inhabit our
former villages. We will come back once
the government manages to gather all the
necessary facilities." The wheel now
seems to have turned full circle for
Sahariya tribals like Baijanti, who are
left with no option but to go back inside
the sanctuary and pick up the threads of
their lives where they left them over two
years age. Meanwhile, it is clear that a
move back to the sanctuary by the
villages would be a setback to the entire
lion reintroduction project, and would
also render futile the huge effort put in
by the sanctuary management over the past
three years in the rehabilitation
process.
PTI Featureult, there is severeI
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Taking
internet to rural masses
By Radhakrishna Rao
Internet has
emerged as the most powerful communications media
for spreading knowledge and supporting research,
commerce, education and human development. ....
as also an instrument of a divide between the
affluent North and the developing South. Even so
many bold experiments centring round internet are
being tried out to spur the rural development in
the Third World. The most striking example of
this is the Grameen phones and Grameen cellular
servicesbased on internet-launched in
Bangladesh by the visionary developmental expert
prof. Mohammed Yunus, the founder of the highly
successful Grameen Bank. In Morocco and Tunisia,
750 weavers, almost all of them women, desperate
over the shrinking local market, made use of the
website "virtual souk" to sell their
rugs directly to the consumers around the world.
On its part, Mexico has developed an internet
based procurement system, a major step in the
fight against corruption.
Simputer or the
handheld computing device, developed by the
Bangalore-based Simputer Trust can be used by
even an ordinary farmer. Simputer can be used to
get latest information on agriculture or to
support rural educational and developmental
projects. As pointed out by the UN Secretary
General Kofi Annan "Knowledge has long been
synonymous with power but with the advent of the
internet, acces to knowledge is quickly becoming
a requirement for power whether social, political
or economic."
An innovative
project, Gyandoot, sponsored by the Madhya
Pradesh Govt. which won the Stockholm award in
2000 connects villages through internet kiosks.
Significantly, this project benefits nearly half
a million people in the district of Dhar known
for its soyabean and cotton crops. These kiosks
in addition to providing information on various
Govt sponsored schemes also make available
weather data and details of market prices.
Perhaps the most salutary feature of Gyandoot is
that internet kiosks are not run by the Govt but
by the village youths as a business preposition.
Meanwhile, the
Technology Information Forecasting and Assessment
Council (TIFAC), an autonomous body under the
Ministry of Science and Technology, has come out
with an integrated rural connectivity and linkage
plan called "Rural Prosperity Through
Connectivity". To bridge the divide between
technology haves and have nots in the education
sector, TIFAC has also designed a programme to
take high performance computing to colleges and
institutions at the regional and local levels
with the objective of developing competence in
this area.
"Why should a
person residing in rural India not get the
facilities enjoyed by a resident of an urban
area? The overall objective of the entire plan is
to bridge this divide between rural and urban
India as a lucrative option,for investors. The
project, when implemented will provide all modern
infrastructure and services like telecom links,
IT education and internet etc. it will be a
driver that will make the rural population a part
of the knowledge society," says TIFAC
Executive Director Y.S. Rajan.
On another front,
N. Loque, a company incubated by the
Chennai-based Indian Institute of Technology
(IIT) has developed an innovative and cost
effective technology which helps in providing
internet and telephone connection in rural areas.
With this technology, an internet and telephone
kiosk could be set up in a village with a meagre
investment of Rs.35,000 to Rs.40,000. According
to Prof. Ashok Jhunjhunwala whose brainchild this
technology is, a pilot project taken up at Kuppam
in Andhra Pradesh will provide inputs for
extending it to other parts of the country.
Jhunjhunwala, an internationally known authority
on communications, is of the view that this
technology could mushroom in rural areas just as
the cable television has spread across the
country.
PTI Feature
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Unleash
POTO
By Kedar Nath Pandey
The Americans
recently enacted the US Patriot Act, the most
draconian law to deal with internal upheavals
leading to terrorism. The emphasis is on the
non-Americans rather than on the citizens of the
country. Other democratic countries like the UK,
France and Germany have followed suit.
Constitutional and democratic rights have been
put on the backburner. Even before September 11
catastrophe, the need to provide the police and
the counter-terrorism (CT) agencies with adequate
powers, if necessary through special legislation,
to deal effectively with terrorism was in force
in these countries.
For mysterious
reasons, the Congress (I), is opposed to the
Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO) being
passed by the Lok Sabha. The Vajpayee government
has kept the door wide open for consultations
with all sections of opposition parties to
"improve the law to make it more
effective." Meanwhile, all shades of human
rights activists, including some who have links
with terrorists in Jammu and Kashmir and other
parts of the country, have joined hands with the
opposition parties as not to allow the POTO on
the statute look.
Among such
legislation used in the UK to strengthen the
hands of its CT agencies, can be cited the
Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act of
1973 and the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary
Provisions) Act of 1984 modified in 1989 by an
Act with the same name.
After the
September 11 attacks, the Blair Government
initiated immediate measures to enact another
special legislation called the Anti-Terrorism,
Crime and Security Bill of November 13, 2001,
that, when enacted, will, <I
>inter alia,
<P>enable communication service providers
retain data for reasons of national security, or
where it may be vital for criminal investigation
and allow extended detention for suspected
international terrorists who threaten national
security and for whom there is no immediate
prospect of trial.
The pre-September
11 laws in most democratic societies normally
allowed the collection of communications
intelligence (Commit) only on persons already
identified as threats to national security on the
basis of specific intelligence recorded in
writing. In some countries, the required
authorisation was given by officials designated
by law and in others, by the Attorney-General, or
by a court.
A general
principle followed was that such authorisation
should be of specified duration, and against a
specified individual, residing at a specified
address and using a specified telephone or fax
number or e-mail address. In recent years,
criminal and anti-national elements have started
persuading third parties which may or may not be
aware of their background, to let them use their
postal and e-mail addresses, and telephone and
fax numbers for communication purposes. The
mushrooming of public telephone booths and cyber
cafes has also facilitated the use of evasion
techniques by such elements. Every time such a
practice came to notice, the agencies had to seek
a fresh authorisation for intercepting the
communications of the third parties, public
telephone booths and cyber cafes, which took time
and consequently resulted in a break in the
continuity of intelligence collection.
The Clinton
Administration tried unsuccessfully to persuade
the Congress to modify the law to facilitate the
authorisation of the interception of the
communications of a named suspect, whatever be
the telephone and fax number, postal and e-mail
address, public telephone booths and cyber cafes
used by him or her.
Public and
congressional opinion and civil rights groups
were unwilling to increase the clandestine
interception powers of the agencies. The agencies
also need a capability to detect and identify
criminal and anti-national elements, that might
have escaped detection through Humint (human
intelligence). This might call for random, but
not indiscriminate, monitoring of communications
that could result in the interception of messages
having a bearing on ordinary crime, terrorism,
narcotics smuggling, espionage, and so on.
However, public
opinion and law-makers in democratic societies
opposed random checks fearing their misuse for
partisan political purposes. Serious difficulties
arise from new technologies facilitating rapid
frequency modification, scrambling and automatic
coding and decoding of telephone conversations,
fax messages, e-mail, and so on. Attempts of
governments in the US and other countries to
enable the agencies prevent the misuse of these
technologies by criminal and anti-national
elements through a legal provision that software
companies producing encryption (coding and
decoding) programmes should deposit details of
the key for decoding with the intelligence
agencies so that they could make random checks in
case of suspicion, were met with opposition from
different sections of society.
After the
terrorist strikes of September 11, politicians
and law-makers in the US have realised that their
reluctance to grant to the CT agencies additional
special powers needed by them to keep pace with
the international networking of the terrorists
and their misuse of modern communication and
other technologies for committing acts of
terrorism might have contributed to the
horrendous acts. This has resulted in a flood of
Congressional resolutions and laws to empower the
CT agencies in their fights against terrorism.
The basic
principle underlying these special provisions is
democratic societies have special laws relating
to war, that provide for enhanced powers for the
counter-intelligence and other law-enforcing
agencies during war.
In view of the
resort of terrorists to acts of catastrophic
terrorism and their international networking,
their acts have also to be treated as amounting
to an act of war against the state and people of
the US, and similar powers to deal with them have
to be given to the agencies.
India has been a
victim of the proxy war being waged by Pakistan
against its security forces and people for
decades. Sponsorship by Islamabad of Pakistani or
other foreign terrorist groups to achieve its
strategic objectives against India is a core
component of this proxy war. Already, 60,000
civilians, many of them Muslims, and over 3,000
members of the security forces have been killed
in this proxy war since 1989 in Jammu and Kashmir
alone.
Such special
powers are the price a democratic society pays
for protecting its integrity, the lives of its
citizens and the roots of its democracy from
terrorists who want to destroy them by misusing
the privileges of democracy. It is very
unfortunate that some of the Opposition political
parties have been strongly opposing, for narrow
partisan political reasons, the attempts of the
Government to enhance the powers of the CT and
other law-enforcing agencies through the
Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO).
Do we have to wait
for an act of catastrophic terrorism in India
similar to the September 11 terrorist strikes in
the US, before we realise the need for special
powers to the agencies? Fear of possible misuse
of enhanced powers are legitimate, but the answer
is not to deny them to the agencies, but to make
their use subject to strict external controls.
INAV
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