EDITORIAL

A POSITIVE ASSERTION

The unequivocal condemnation of the Pak-sponsored terrorism in India by the All India Shia Sunni Front has come not a day too soon. It is an open secret the Pakistan with its dirty works department, ISI has been exploiting the religious identity and sentiments of the Indian Muslims to further its sinister designs in India. In fact, the Pak authorities have all along been taking it for granted that the Muslims here would support it in all its causes and missions. The tribal invasion in Kashmir, from where the Kashmir problem arose, was ......more

BUT HOW THE MPs lived ?

The pay hike the members of parliament gave themselves last week was much over due. The final packet is modest by any reckoning, though there has been a 300% rise. .........more

Information Technology---
it is still ‘advantage India’

By B K Karkra

A considerable concern has been recently voiced that the boom conditions witnessed in our information technology sector for the last couple of years are now tapering off.......more

Politics of refugees
in South Asia

By Ram Niwas Beniwal

The phenomenon of refugee is not new to the region of South Asia and has almost become a permanent feature of the democratic/ authoritarian South Asian politics. Though struggling under the heavy economic and political strain of hosting refugees, the region seems paradoxically comfortable with the large.....more

Futile U.S Bid to wean
Africa away from Nam

By A P Singh

Former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Mr. Richard Hal-brooke, in a kind of farewell speech, shocked the representatives of several African nations by advising them a clean breakaway.........more

EDITORIAL

A POSITIVE ASSERTION

The unequivocal condemnation of the Pak-sponsored terrorism in India by the All India Shia Sunni Front has come not a day too soon. It is an open secret the Pakistan with its dirty works department, ISI has been exploiting the religious identity and sentiments of the Indian Muslims to further its sinister designs in India. In fact, the Pak authorities have all along been taking it for granted that the Muslims here would support it in all its causes and missions. The tribal invasion in Kashmir, from where the Kashmir problem arose, was organized and executed with the assumption that the Muslims in Kashmir would spontaneously support it. Again in mid-sixties during the Ayub Khan rule the Operation Gibraltar with Zulfiqar Bhutto at its head counted on this 'natural' support of Muslims there. Today whether it is Coimbatore, or Kerala, the Western UP or Kashmir, the Muslim masses, are willingly as well as unwittingly, being exploited by the Pakistani agencies and agents to carry out high subversion in India.

In the present undeclared war by ISI against India the Indian Muslims are central to all the calculations. The Pakistani rulers agencies and the people seem to believe that the Muslims here would of their own fall behind their 'crusades'. Indeed, they have been using the big Muslim community for their ends very alarmingly. They are taking recruits, obtaining shelters and using the Muslims for reconnaissance with this appeal to their religious instincts. As the altercation between Geelani and the Shahi Imam at the Musharraf tea party showed they are getting wholescale political outfits here to root for them, to fight for their cause the leadership of Kashmir has been hovering over the Indo-Pak brink for quite some time. These unseemly affiliations are only thinly veiled. Likewise many religious institutions, students' bodies and other organizations have easily played into ISI's hands. The activities of SIMI and Deendar Anjuman are just two cases in point. All this appears to have buttressed the Pakistani assumptions.

But they have also seen good refusals. All the Kashmiris did not rise in the support of Pak marauders in 1947. Even fewer took the bait in 1965. In the late eighties the situation has been different. Pakistan was able not only to turn a sizeable section against India but even got them to fight their own brethren in Kashmir. Analysts believe that this was a direct result of the very heavy 'fundamentalist' propagation, which was unleashed upon Kashmir in the preceding decades. The indeterminate political leadership with its ambiguous stands added their own bits. Altogether, the fundamentalist elements held a sway that could only be called unholy. As the AISSF conference and sundry other voices show there are elements within the community that do not accept the fundamentalist version of religion and polity. But somehow, they have been subdued, (easily, should one add?) by the latter in Kashmir, as well as the rest of the country. As it is in Iran today, as it was in the pre-partition India, again a struggle is going on between the obscurantist and the enlightened sections within the Muslim community. Then and so far, the fundamentalists have held the upper hand. And, pushed the community and the country into dangerous waters. There is a need for a greater assertion by the saner elements who see religion as a way of life and not as a mandate to war. And, this war within the Muslims have to wage and win themselves.

BUT HOW THE MPs lived ?

The pay hike the members of parliament gave themselves last week was much over due. The final packet is modest by any reckoning, though there has been a 300% rise. 12000 rupees that they have given themselves is about the pay a gazette officer of the government gets on first appointment. In fact, the pre-hike pay-packet of 4000 for an hon'ble MP was petty, paltry, why, outright ridiculous. After the fourth pay revision even the lowly peons drew more than that for their monthly emoluments. And, that was a good six years ago. In between three parliaments.. well three Lok Sabhas to be exact, were constituted and dissolved. Over a thousand MPs served and retired over this period. Yet, as one MP said, because the MPs have to decide their own pay, people are begrudging them this due hike.

Certainly there is nothing to grudge in this revision. On the other hand it raises the question how they survived, how they lived, on that stinkingly small pay they got previously? From the point of the honest, harassed employee already getting this pay, it must have been hard for them making the ends meet. But, as a wag may say, pay in not the point. Imaging spending all those mighty crores for a 4000 per mensum pay pocket and you realize that pay is indeed the last thing in an MPs pocket. Jayalalitha during her last stint drew a token one-rupee pay and yet found an alleged 100 crores to spend on her foster-son's wedding. The life styles, expense accounts and celebrations of the MPs have been on quite grand scales that would not have been supported by their measly pay-cheques. Certainly there were other compensations, which more than made up for the small pay. The perks that go with the job, the travel, telephone and housing, the allowances and the TAs that go with an MP-ship are indeed so enormous that the MPs could go without the Jayaji's token pay even. And, one has not talked of the crore-pocket money they give themselves each year.

So why did they give themselves the hike? Probably, they felt that big-thousands have become quite normal and it would look actually abnormal if they continued to draw those petty thousands. And, when people all around are non-challantly getting and giving fat salaries why not give themselves a raise too. In any case it was a deserved raise and there can't be any complaints there. But, there is a bigger compliant against the whole body of MPs. The people complain that the MPs are not doing their jobs honestly, or effectively. They want their legislators to spend more time in their seats and not in the well of the house raising hell over frivolous issues. They want to see them discussing the legislative business like seasoned parliamentarians and not hotheads from the village akhada flailing their arms all the time, over everything. The people want their legislators to do some work. And, the well-fed, well-paid, well cared and well-catered MPs should do that without complaints. Or, excuses. Nay?

Information Technology---- it is still ‘advantage India’

By B K Karkra

A considerable concern has been recently voiced that the boom conditions witnessed in our information technology sector for the last couple of years are now tapering off. These fears, largely based on the slow down in the U.S. economy, are substantially misplaced. The secret of our success in this area does not lie in the American soil, but in our own brainpower. The euphoria over we being the 'silicon tigers' may not be fully justified (because of our weakness in the hardware area). Yet, we are certainly not the mere 'software coolies' of the world. We are, in fact, the envy of the world for our prowess in the software domain. We are at least the 'soft tigers', if not the 'silicon tigers'. In terms of the quality and cost put together, we are decidedly the best option in the world today. No wonder then that in the face of all fears of down turn, we have been able to achieve 52 % growth in our software exports and services in the first quarter of the year. Now, this means that we are earning nearly 21.5 % of our export revenues through our sheer brainpower, without parting with any of our material resources like the iron ore, Basmati rice and cashew nuts etc.

The Indian immigrants have already established I.T. companies in the U.S. Silicon Valley that account for a market value of $ 235 billion. That should, in itself, give some indication what we can eventually achieve in this area. The nation must not forget that our foreign exchange reserves had dipped to just one billion U.S. dollars during the Gulf War and now our software alone earns upwards of six billion U.S. dollars per annum. This works out to more than twice the defence budget of Pakistan. According to the projections of our Ministry of Information Technology and the NASSCOM, these earnings are likely to rise to $ eight and a half billion by the end of this year and $ fifty billion by 2008. If that really works, we shall no more be one of the poorest nations of the world. Thus, the I.T. has already brought lot of cheer to us on the economic, if not the technology front.

Our big leap forward in the area of information technology is a phenomenon akin to the discovery of oil in the Bombay high. The country would have been in considerable economic crunch if either of these momentous developments had not taken place. Our software engineers are, undoubtedly, earning a fabulous amount of foreign exchange for the country both in the form of exports as well as remittances from abroad and that is providing a cover for our numerous politico-economic weaknesses elsewhere. Besides, the Indian nationals and persons of Indian origin have a powerful presence in the U.S. Silicon Valley.

Though America, thus, means quite a lot to our I.T. related endeavours, our fortunes are, by no means, tied down to the America alone. According to an U.K. Government report, out of the18257 foreign I.T. professionals who came to Britain in 2000, 11474 were from India (by the way, the second highest number of such professionals who entered Britain came from the U.S.A. and many of them were again the persons of Indian origin). France and Germany are also fully aware of the Indian prowess in the software field and they are ready with their red carpets for our talent. The opportunities for our whizkids are, indeed, tremendous, as this year itself the West European I.T. budget is as high as $ 364 billion and this is likely to rise to $ 585 billion by 2004.

Our I.I's.T. have, thus, done a world of good to our economy and we can hope for a rich and steady flow of foreign exchange to our coffers through our I.T. related services to the world during the years to come. Our I.T. economy may be slowing down due to a downturn in the U.S. economy, but it is still growing at good enough a pace. The estimated rate of growth is somewhere around 30 to 45 %, despite all the negative news. We do not have to get disheartened over some dot COM companies going bust and the recent layoffs in the I.T. sector. It cannot but be a temporary phenomenon and perhaps a case of some weak entities trying to ride the bandwagon for quick buck and falling off it. There is no way for this revolution to roll back. The I.T. has only one way to go from here-forward.

There are, however, two areas of concern for us--- no, the recessionary trends in the U.S. economy is not one of these and in fact, such cyclic factors should not cause us undue concern. Our first cause of real worry should be that, even after reaching this far, we are merely allowing ourselves to be used by others. We have taken a decisive first step and declared our genius. Sadly, however, some thing seems to be holding us from taking the crucial second step of rising in the value chain. We appear to have a tendency towards some sort of quick profit booking and in the process, often end up selling ourselves short. Rather than cashing on an idea to the hilt, we tend to encash it prematurely.

Somehow, we are always willing to settle for the second spot when the win is well within our reach. We have to raise our confidence levels further and reach a stage where we do not have to be unduly worried about the recessionary trends in a foreign economy. We have to learn to think big and must not suffer from self-doubts. Just think of the time when some of us thought that our I.T. bubble would burst as soon as the Y2K problem was out of the way in the world ! We do not have to work to a brief all the time and should also be ready now to do something that would stand against our own name. Almost all the leading software outfits of the world, including the Microsoft, Oracle, IBM and Lucent etc., have set up their research and development centres in India. These would hopefully provide a push to the domestic R and D effort also.

Secondly, we also have to keep in mind that many of the Asian nations are watching us with envy for all the money that we are making for our software services. Our one advantage over them is our proficiency in the English language that has been their area of weakness. They are trying to plug this loophole fast and shall shortly stand as our competitors in the world market. We have, thus, also to see that we do not get priced out even as 'software coolies' of the world. For this, we shall we shall have to pay attention to the software profiles like the enterprise systems, net design and net administration etc. that are emerging important lately. Besides, we should look to destinations beyond the U.S. and create conditions within the country where bulk of our I.T. abilities get utilised at the domestic level itself. This, if it works, would give a great push to the other segments of our economy.

Information Technology is, indeed, an area of self-discovery for us. We may not be able to maintain the scorching pace that we have set for ourselves during the last couple of years. However, we have to see to it that we do not fade out in the face of competition from the countries with better work culture. The space that we have created so painstakingly in this sunrise industry must not be surrendered for any reason whatsoever.

Politics of refugees in South Asia

By Ram Niwas Beniwal

The phenomenon of refugee is not new to the region of South Asia and has almost become a permanent feature of the democratic/authoritarian South Asian politics. Though struggling under the heavy economic and political strain of hosting refugees, the region seems paradoxically comfortable with the large number of the destitute. The refugee populations in South Asia constitutes nearly 12 per cent of the total refugees in the world. These refugees are a product of different types of crisis such as armed uprising, communal clashes, secessionist activities, displacement caused by major river project, political asylum etc. In South Asia, India represent the main centre of such movements and has hosted millions of refugee over the past fifty years. At present it continues to host over 292,000 refugees of various nationalities including Tibetans, Sri Lankans, Chakmas (Bangladeshi), Afghans, Sudanese, Iranians and Iraqis.

Though, South Asia has the fourth largest refugee population in the world, yet none of the South Asian country has either defined the term refugee or established procedures to determine refugee status. The intermingling of refugee and migratory movements makes it pertinent that a legal definition be adopted so as to enable refugees to receive the humanitarian treatment they deserve. Under international law a refugee is defined as a person who ''owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted, for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group of political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country''. However, some countries in Africa and Central America have adopted a wider definition, including persons fleeing from violent conflict and gross violations of human rights.

The refugee problem in the region has been there due to numerous factors- the majority-minority number games in terms of region, ethnic composition, political authority and psychological one-upmanship have conspicuously figured in almost all the countries in South Asia, which people fled. Consequently, refugee problem is undoubtedly the most important phenomenon of contemporary South Asian politics. Therefore, refugee problem and its linkage with international relations among South Asian countries in general, and India's foreign policy in particular, is a very crucial problem for an indepth analysis. Hence, a critical appraisal of the phenomenon is not only pertinent but also essential. Besides, there is a need to examine the implications of the refugee problem on India's domestic and foreign policies.

Politics of refugees in South Asia could broadly be categorised into three types. First, refugees have been used as means of achieving cultural homeogeneity or asserting the dominance of one ethnic community over another in socio-economic and political areas.

Second, it has been utilized as a means of dealing with political dissidents particularly hostile to the regime and class enemies. Finally, it is considered as part of a strategy to achieve a foreign policy objective. Besides, in many circumstances, outside powers do play a role in changing the conditions that force people to leave their home countries. The role can be supportive, in the form of emergency assistance, development aid, trade or investment etc. It can also take the form of intervention in the internal affairs of a State through diplomacy, the withdrawal of support, economic sanctions and even militancy intervention.

Unlike many other regions where external powers were engaged, the conflicts and subsequent refugee crises of South Asia generated little outside interest. During the Cold War, apart from the conflict in Afghanistan, the issue at the root of most of the region's conflicts and refugee exoudses were not linked to the East-West conflict and only marginally affected the broader strategic issues in which the superpower were engaged.

The international situation of refugee is undergoing a sea change in the post-Cold War period and becoming extremely complex and enlarged. Theoretical debates among academicians and practitioners are going on the removal of grey areas in refugee studies and formulate a more befitting theory taking congnizance of the new realities of the international system. The objectives of such effors have been to enhance the boundaries of the growing field. Refugee movements in South Asia have become central components of regional conflicts involving local actors.

India has always been a host to refugees coming from many neighbouring and other countries. It has been the centre stage of South Asian refugee movement. Therefore, any problem of mass migration that emerged in South Asia will be India-centric. Because, politically, geographically, demographically as also in terms of international relations, India dominates South Asia. India having a large size with accommodative federal structure in which the constituent States have more independence and political space, the refugees of South Asian countries have always found the possibility of taking shelter in India more attractive both in terms of the politico-economic situations and human acceptability.

Also politico-social adaptability in India is better than other neighbouring countries. Political upheaval occurring in unstable countries bordering India often created situations forcing citizens of these countries to seek refuge elsewhere. Additionally, ethnic and religious persecution forced minorities to join similar people in India's multi-ethnic and multilingual society. The demographic pressure could also disturb the absorption capacity of the local host community. This capacity is defined as community's willingness and ability to absorb an influx of refugees. Local absorption capacity refers to the economic, social and cultural factors, which affect the local receiving community's response to refugees and influence the policy of host country towards the refugees.

The refugees could turn out to be a serious political risk under various circumstances that have direct bearing on the foreign policy consideration of the host country. India is no exception to such phenomenon. In India refugees have created very serious political threat as these politically heterogeneous forces started aligning and realigning with elements that were inimical to the political stability in the host country, i.e. India.

Refugees affect the economic capacity of India in both positive and negative manners. Positively, refugees have been of tremendous support to the local economy as they were found to be willing to take up jobs, which had no local takers. And local people, often use the infrastructure created for refugees in and around the camp sites, without any resistance from refugees. In negative sense, this region has also witnessed strong protests and upheavals against the refugees, whenever the strong protests and upheavals against the refugees, whenever the host has felt some sort of intrusion into their indigenousness. Besides this, the local people have also adversely reacted to the purported social behaviour of refugees, such as criminality, welfare dependency and delinquency. If the host country accept the economic assistance from any international organisation like UNHCR, then it put pressure on host government towards more positve policy for refugees.

Refugees affect the foreign policy of a country through two core categories of factors, (a) international relations, and; (b) national security considerations. The illegal crossing of people from one country to another usually affects international relations between receiving and sending countries. Sending and receiving countries can manipulate refugee flows so as to embarrass or pressurise each other.

Sending countries creates or condone refugee flow for a number of reasons: to destablize the receiving country, force recognition of the sending country, or to stop interference by the receiving country in its affairs etc.

A three dimensional national security-strategic, regime structural conception is often used to explain the ways in which refugees could threaten security. Within this scheme the national security is compromised when one or more of these three dimensions are likely to be threatened or eroded.

Strategically, the host is threatened when refugees are armed and the power of host country looses control over them. Structurally, it is threatened when by increasing demand over the scarce resources reaches the stage of conflict. Regime security could be threatened when refugees enter the domestic political process and create pressures on the government.

Though India has been a very generous country in hosting refugee populations, it, like the rest of South Asia, has no domestic law on refugees, nor is it a party to the 1951 Convention on Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. It is because many South Asian states in general and India in particular feel that signing these conventions could constrict their freedom of action in dealing with unwanted migrations. Consequently, in the absence of laws in South Asian countries, refugees are handled under provisions for foreigners, which do not acknowledge ther special humanitarian situation, which do not acknowledge their special humanitarian situation. One of the thrust areas of UNHCR's advocacy efforts in India has therefore been to highlight the absence and the need for law to protect the rights of refugees. Besides this, given the sensitivity and resistance of South Asian countries to adopting the 1951 Refugee Convention, a regional level framework based on ''regional specificities'' have also been put forward as an alternative. At the regional level, the SAARC can play an instrumental role in formulating a regional convention on refugee management.

PTI Feature

Futile U.S Bid to wean Africa away from Nam

By A P Singh

Former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Mr. Richard Hal-brooke, in a kind of farewell speech, shocked the representatives of several African nations by advising them a clean breakaway from the Non-Aligned Movement.

"I respectfully ask the African countries to reconsider their association with the Non-Aligned Movement," Mr. Holbrooke told a group of African UN Ambassadors. "The NAM is not Africa's friend at this point. Your goals and the NAM's are not synonymous," he said to the movement which often functions as a block during U.N deliberations. This remarks drew immediate objections from the South African and Algerian representatives.

The Non-Aligned Movement, composed of more than 130 countries, two-thirds of the UN membership, was founded in 1955 during the Cold War, by India, Yugoslavia and Egypt, in an attempt to give developing nations a voice independent from the Super Powers.

Mr. Holbrooke said that the Group of 77, which is practice were NAM members, was more important for Africa on economic issues. "NAM in my view should cease to exist as a separate caucus or merge with the G-77," Mr. Holbrooke said and added, alternatively, "you and the African group should consider distancing yourself from the NAM, so you can protect African interests and not allow yourself to be pushed by less than 10 radicalised in positions that you don't need," he said.

Reacting sharply, the South African envoy, Ms. Jeanette Ndhlovu, whose country holds the current NAM chairmanship, said Mr. Holbrooke's comments were "not in keeping with the reality out there," although he had complimented South Africa's efforts to smooth over differences in the group. "NAM has been in the forefront of seeking to address-and redress-many of the problems confronting Africa, including debt relief and drawing foreign direct investment," she said.

"So those comments are not in line with reality as we perceive it. We are committed to NAM and to its agenda." This was a clear snub to Mr. Holbrooke.

The Algerian ambassador, Mr. Abdullah Balall, said he "totally disagreed" with Mr. Holbrooke. "The NAM has supported in the past liberation movements, the struggle against apartheid, colonial occupation-and NAM is still supportive of African causes," he asserted.

During the 1960's and the 1970's the world had witnessed the replacement of the earlier colonial domination of the African continent by the neoclonialist question of racial discrimination and apartheid. On the two vestigial colonial problems in Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia, India was the acknowledged crusader. It played a leader's role in taking up African causes. It is beyond doubt that the Indian diplomacy during the Middle East crisis and the continuing pro-Arab posture improved the universal prospects of non-alignment. The events led to qualitative change in international relations, and had a noticeable impact on the non-aligned states, since the Havana Summit held in September 1979, a few months before the Soviet action in Afghanistan, which gave an impression that the movement was being titled towards the Eastern bloc. But the Afghan events caused a change, which was clearly evident in the U.N. General Assembly, a when a large majority of non-aligned states, including India, advocated withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan.

The policy of none-alignment was the concerted response of the national leaders of Africa, Asia and Latin America to Europe's colonial exploitation and cold war. The non-aligned countries could look to the socialist group for help and inspiration. Professor Gunnar Myrdal, in his well-known study, "Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations," attributed poverty to the absence of the Institutions necessary for the attainment of modernization ideals in South and South East Asia. He, however, ignored the external factors responsible for poverty.

If he had properly analysed the nature of the contemporary epoch, he would have found that the struggle of the Third World is not only against domestic archaic institutions, but also against the powerful exploratory monopolies of the West. He would also have assessed the contribution of the socialist countries to the efforts to preserve the freedom of the Third World.

These are some examples of India's long history of formulating and championing independent and right solutions to global political and economic issues. This is in keeping with the non-aligned approach that the country has adopted in its foreign policy and has won the approval of a majority of Third World nations. The new impetus with which the country has followed this policy since independence has added weight to the country's views in world forums.

At the Lusaka Conference (in 1970) the non-aligned countries pledged themselves "to adopt as far as practicable a common approach" on the economic problems affecting the developing, non-aligned countries. And the Foreign Minister's were advised to initiate early steps that end. Pursuant to this recommendation, the Foreign Ministers meet in the Georgetown, Guyana, in August 1972. It was here that, for the first time, an "Action Programme for Economic Cooperation" was adopted. Significantly, the expression "third world" is used twice in the preamble of the resolution on the Action Programme.

Non-aligned countries also extended their "full and unstined" support to the "developing countries not belonging to the non-aligned group" in a later part of the Georgetown Declaration. Fifteen resolutions emerged from the conference. Seven of the resolutions were general in scope, the remaining being related to specific countries and issues. Four resolutions directly concerned Africa, namely those on apartheid, on Portuguese colonies in Africa (it is somewhat strange that nothing was said about Portuguese-held territories in Asia, namely Macao and Timor), on Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and on Namibia. But seven other resolutions, though general in scope, were on issues in which African states were vitally interested. These referred to the democratisation of international relations, decolonisation, economic progress, the role of the non-aligned countries, disarmament, the seabed, and the U.N.

The resolutions on apartheid strongly condemned the coutinuation of the south African policy of racial discrimination and apartheid. The resolution attacked, in particular, the "Inhuman and degrading treatment" meted out to prisoners and detainees in South African prisons, the Republic's so-called "outward" looking foreign policy which aims at creating, "by means of economic and financial pressures, a buffer zone of puppet states on its borders'', the continued presence of South African troops in Angola, Mozambique and Rhodesia, and Sections 10 and 29 of the General Law Amendment Act, 1969, concerning the Bureau of State Security (Boss) which give arbitrary powers to the Republican government.

The resolution also denounced the US, the UK, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy and Japan, for their "political, economic and military collaboration with the government to reconsider its intention of resuming the sale of arms of South Africa. Finally, the non-aligned countries were asked" to refrain from entering into diplomatic, economic or any other relations with South Africa", to sever such relations, if any country already had them, and to assist the peoples fighting against apartheid in South Africa.

In the third resolution, on the Portuguese Colonies, Portugal was criticized for a "negative attitude' and 'obstinate refusal' to grant independence to its colonies, while NATO members were criticized for giving Portugal Economic and military assistance. "All states" were asked to refrain from participating in the Cabora Bassa Hydro-Electric Scheme in Mozambique. In the fourth resolution, on Rhodesia, Britain was criticized for not using all means, including force, to end the Smith rebellion.

A general resolution on decolonisation (i) appealed to France and Spain to allow, in the shortest possible time their, dependent peoples to exercise, under the control of the UN and OAU, their right to self-determination! (ii) decided as for as Portugal, South Africa, and Rhodesia were concerned (a) to impose an embargo on trade, (b) to deny landing rights and all facilities to any planes and ship going to and coming from these countries, (c) to break off diplomatic relations with Portugal and South Africa, and (d) to increase the special fund of the OAU Liberation Committee; and (iii) requested the President of the conference to establish contact with NATO countries (and more particularly with the US, the UK, France, West Germany, and Italy) as also with Switzerland and Japan and urged them to stop their direct and indirect assistance to the regimes of colonial racist oppression.

The fourth conference of non-aligned countries opened in Algiers in September 1973. It assembled in an international situation that differed essentially from the situation in which preceding conferences were held. The bloody imperialist aggression in Vietnam had been halted and an armistice had been announced in Laos. The removal of the flash point in South Asia was of immense significance. A new independent state, Bangladesh, had emerged.

The Political Declaration adopted by the Algiers conference contained 101 paragraphs stating the attitude of the non-aligned nations to the most burning and fundamental issues of the day. It noted, in particular, the non-aligned nations' support for the efforts to ease tension and expressed the hope that detente would proliferate throughout the world.

In keeping with the guidelines mapped out at Belgrade and Cario, it expressed support for all liberation movements and sharply denounced neo-colonialism. These issues were considered in detail in the Declaration on the Struggle for National Liberation, which accentuated support for the liberation movements in Africa and exposed the racist Pretoria-Salisbury and the link between the racists of South Africa and Zionism.

The Conference also called upon the conference on European Security and Cooperation to undertake sharp measurers against Portugal which persisted in the pursuit of its brutal policies in Africa. Confronted with the aggressiveness of imperialism, the conference concluded that the non-aligned countries that were the object of direct aggressive pressure or aggression.

The period that has elapsed since the Algeria conference witnessed a further normalization of the situation in South Africa. There was another major event, the downfall of the Portuguese colonial empire, the oldest colonial prison in the world. The people of Guinea-Bissau, Sao Tome and Principle, Mozambique, and the Cape Verde Islands achieved independence, following the overthrow of the fascist regime in Lisbon. Angola was proclaimed fully independent on November 11, 1975. All this has radically changed the balance of strength in South Africa-CNF.

 
 



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