EDITORIAL
A POSITIVE ASSERTION
The unequivocal
condemnation of the Pak-sponsored terrorism in India by
the All India Shia Sunni Front has come not a day too
soon. It is an open secret the Pakistan with its dirty
works department, ISI has been exploiting the religious
identity and sentiments of the Indian Muslims to further
its sinister designs in India. In fact, the Pak
authorities have all along been taking it for granted
that the Muslims here would support it in all its causes
and missions. The tribal invasion in Kashmir, from where
the Kashmir problem arose, was organized and executed
with the assumption that the Muslims in Kashmir would
spontaneously support it. Again in mid-sixties during the
Ayub Khan rule the Operation Gibraltar with Zulfiqar
Bhutto at its head counted on this 'natural' support of
Muslims there. Today whether it is Coimbatore, or Kerala,
the Western UP or Kashmir, the Muslim masses, are
willingly as well as unwittingly, being exploited by the
Pakistani agencies and agents to carry out high
subversion in India.
In the present undeclared
war by ISI against India the Indian Muslims are central
to all the calculations. The Pakistani rulers agencies
and the people seem to believe that the Muslims here
would of their own fall behind their 'crusades'. Indeed,
they have been using the big Muslim community for their
ends very alarmingly. They are taking recruits, obtaining
shelters and using the Muslims for reconnaissance with
this appeal to their religious instincts. As the
altercation between Geelani and the Shahi Imam at the
Musharraf tea party showed they are getting wholescale
political outfits here to root for them, to fight for
their cause the leadership of Kashmir has been hovering
over the Indo-Pak brink for quite some time. These
unseemly affiliations are only thinly veiled. Likewise
many religious institutions, students' bodies and other
organizations have easily played into ISI's hands. The
activities of SIMI and Deendar Anjuman are just two cases
in point. All this appears to have buttressed the
Pakistani assumptions.
But they have also seen
good refusals. All the Kashmiris did not rise in the
support of Pak marauders in 1947. Even fewer took the
bait in 1965. In the late eighties the situation has been
different. Pakistan was able not only to turn a sizeable
section against India but even got them to fight their
own brethren in Kashmir. Analysts believe that this was a
direct result of the very heavy 'fundamentalist'
propagation, which was unleashed upon Kashmir in the
preceding decades. The indeterminate political leadership
with its ambiguous stands added their own bits.
Altogether, the fundamentalist elements held a sway that
could only be called unholy. As the AISSF conference and
sundry other voices show there are elements within the
community that do not accept the fundamentalist version
of religion and polity. But somehow, they have been
subdued, (easily, should one add?) by the latter in
Kashmir, as well as the rest of the country. As it is in
Iran today, as it was in the pre-partition India, again a
struggle is going on between the obscurantist and the
enlightened sections within the Muslim community. Then
and so far, the fundamentalists have held the upper hand.
And, pushed the community and the country into dangerous
waters. There is a need for a greater assertion by the
saner elements who see religion as a way of life and not
as a mandate to war. And, this war within the Muslims
have to wage and win themselves.
BUT HOW THE MPs lived ?
The pay hike the members
of parliament gave themselves last week was much over
due. The final packet is modest by any reckoning, though
there has been a 300% rise. 12000 rupees that they have
given themselves is about the pay a gazette officer of
the government gets on first appointment. In fact, the
pre-hike pay-packet of 4000 for an hon'ble MP was petty,
paltry, why, outright ridiculous. After the fourth pay
revision even the lowly peons drew more than that for
their monthly emoluments. And, that was a good six years
ago. In between three parliaments.. well three Lok Sabhas
to be exact, were constituted and dissolved. Over a
thousand MPs served and retired over this period. Yet, as
one MP said, because the MPs have to decide their own
pay, people are begrudging them this due hike.
Certainly there is nothing
to grudge in this revision. On the other hand it raises
the question how they survived, how they lived, on that
stinkingly small pay they got previously? From the point
of the honest, harassed employee already getting this
pay, it must have been hard for them making the ends
meet. But, as a wag may say, pay in not the point.
Imaging spending all those mighty crores for a 4000 per
mensum pay pocket and you realize that pay is indeed the
last thing in an MPs pocket. Jayalalitha during her last
stint drew a token one-rupee pay and yet found an alleged
100 crores to spend on her foster-son's wedding. The life
styles, expense accounts and celebrations of the MPs have
been on quite grand scales that would not have been
supported by their measly pay-cheques. Certainly there
were other compensations, which more than made up for the
small pay. The perks that go with the job, the travel,
telephone and housing, the allowances and the TAs that go
with an MP-ship are indeed so enormous that the MPs could
go without the Jayaji's token pay even. And, one has not
talked of the crore-pocket money they give themselves
each year.
So why did they give
themselves the hike? Probably, they felt that
big-thousands have become quite normal and it would look
actually abnormal if they continued to draw those petty
thousands. And, when people all around are non-challantly
getting and giving fat salaries why not give themselves a
raise too. In any case it was a deserved raise and there
can't be any complaints there. But, there is a bigger
compliant against the whole body of MPs. The people
complain that the MPs are not doing their jobs honestly,
or effectively. They want their legislators to spend more
time in their seats and not in the well of the house
raising hell over frivolous issues. They want to see them
discussing the legislative business like seasoned
parliamentarians and not hotheads from the village akhada
flailing their arms all the time, over everything.
The people want their legislators to do some work. And,
the well-fed, well-paid, well cared and well-catered MPs
should do that without complaints. Or, excuses. Nay?
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Information
Technology---- it is still
advantage India
By B K Karkra
A
considerable concern has been recently
voiced that the boom conditions witnessed
in our information technology sector for
the last couple of years are now tapering
off. These fears, largely based on the
slow down in the U.S. economy, are
substantially misplaced. The secret of
our success in this area does not lie in
the American soil, but in our own
brainpower. The euphoria over we being
the 'silicon tigers' may not be fully
justified (because of our weakness in the
hardware area). Yet, we are certainly not
the mere 'software coolies' of the world.
We are, in fact, the envy of the world
for our prowess in the software domain.
We are at least the 'soft tigers', if not
the 'silicon tigers'. In terms of the
quality and cost put together, we are
decidedly the best option in the world
today. No wonder then that in the face of
all fears of down turn, we have been able
to achieve 52 % growth in our software
exports and services in the first quarter
of the year. Now, this means that we are
earning nearly 21.5 % of our export
revenues through our sheer brainpower,
without parting with any of our material
resources like the iron ore, Basmati rice
and cashew nuts etc.
The Indian
immigrants have already established I.T.
companies in the U.S. Silicon Valley that
account for a market value of $ 235
billion. That should, in itself, give
some indication what we can eventually
achieve in this area. The nation must not
forget that our foreign exchange reserves
had dipped to just one billion U.S.
dollars during the Gulf War and now our
software alone earns upwards of six
billion U.S. dollars per annum. This
works out to more than twice the defence
budget of Pakistan. According to the
projections of our Ministry of
Information Technology and the NASSCOM,
these earnings are likely to rise to $
eight and a half billion by the end of
this year and $ fifty billion by 2008. If
that really works, we shall no more be
one of the poorest nations of the world.
Thus, the I.T. has already brought lot of
cheer to us on the economic, if not the
technology front.
Our big
leap forward in the area of information
technology is a phenomenon akin to the
discovery of oil in the Bombay high. The
country would have been in considerable
economic crunch if either of these
momentous developments had not taken
place. Our software engineers are,
undoubtedly, earning a fabulous amount of
foreign exchange for the country both in
the form of exports as well as
remittances from abroad and that is
providing a cover for our numerous
politico-economic weaknesses elsewhere.
Besides, the Indian nationals and persons
of Indian origin have a powerful presence
in the U.S. Silicon Valley.
Though
America, thus, means quite a lot to our
I.T. related endeavours, our fortunes
are, by no means, tied down to the
America alone. According to an U.K.
Government report, out of the18257
foreign I.T. professionals who came to
Britain in 2000, 11474 were from India
(by the way, the second highest number of
such professionals who entered Britain
came from the U.S.A. and many of them
were again the persons of Indian origin).
France and Germany are also fully aware
of the Indian prowess in the software
field and they are ready with their red
carpets for our talent. The opportunities
for our whizkids are, indeed, tremendous,
as this year itself the West European
I.T. budget is as high as $ 364 billion
and this is likely to rise to $ 585
billion by 2004.
Our
I.I's.T. have, thus, done a world of good
to our economy and we can hope for a rich
and steady flow of foreign exchange to
our coffers through our I.T. related
services to the world during the years to
come. Our I.T. economy may be slowing
down due to a downturn in the U.S.
economy, but it is still growing at good
enough a pace. The estimated rate of
growth is somewhere around 30 to 45 %,
despite all the negative news. We do not
have to get disheartened over some dot
COM companies going bust and the recent
layoffs in the I.T. sector. It cannot but
be a temporary phenomenon and perhaps a
case of some weak entities trying to ride
the bandwagon for quick buck and falling
off it. There is no way for this
revolution to roll back. The I.T. has
only one way to go from here-forward.
There are,
however, two areas of concern for us---
no, the recessionary trends in the U.S.
economy is not one of these and in fact,
such cyclic factors should not cause us
undue concern. Our first cause of real
worry should be that, even after reaching
this far, we are merely allowing
ourselves to be used by others. We have
taken a decisive first step and declared
our genius. Sadly, however, some thing
seems to be holding us from taking the
crucial second step of rising in the
value chain. We appear to have a tendency
towards some sort of quick profit booking
and in the process, often end up selling
ourselves short. Rather than cashing on
an idea to the hilt, we tend to encash it
prematurely.
Somehow,
we are always willing to settle for the
second spot when the win is well within
our reach. We have to raise our
confidence levels further and reach a
stage where we do not have to be unduly
worried about the recessionary trends in
a foreign economy. We have to learn to
think big and must not suffer from
self-doubts. Just think of the time when
some of us thought that our I.T. bubble
would burst as soon as the Y2K problem
was out of the way in the world ! We do
not have to work to a brief all the time
and should also be ready now to do
something that would stand against our
own name. Almost all the leading software
outfits of the world, including the
Microsoft, Oracle, IBM and Lucent etc.,
have set up their research and
development centres in India. These would
hopefully provide a push to the domestic
R and D effort also.
Secondly,
we also have to keep in mind that many of
the Asian nations are watching us with
envy for all the money that we are making
for our software services. Our one
advantage over them is our proficiency in
the English language that has been their
area of weakness. They are trying to plug
this loophole fast and shall shortly
stand as our competitors in the world
market. We have, thus, also to see that
we do not get priced out even as
'software coolies' of the world. For
this, we shall we shall have to pay
attention to the software profiles like
the enterprise systems, net design and
net administration etc. that are emerging
important lately. Besides, we should look
to destinations beyond the U.S. and
create conditions within the country
where bulk of our I.T. abilities get
utilised at the domestic level itself.
This, if it works, would give a great
push to the other segments of our
economy.
Information
Technology is, indeed, an area of
self-discovery for us. We may not be able
to maintain the scorching pace that we
have set for ourselves during the last
couple of years. However, we have to see
to it that we do not fade out in the face
of competition from the countries with
better work culture. The space that we
have created so painstakingly in this
sunrise industry must not be surrendered
for any reason whatsoever.
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Politics
of refugees in South Asia
By Ram Niwas
Beniwal
The
phenomenon of refugee is not new to the
region of South Asia and has almost
become a permanent feature of the
democratic/authoritarian South Asian
politics. Though struggling under the
heavy economic and political strain of
hosting refugees, the region seems
paradoxically comfortable with the large
number of the destitute. The refugee
populations in South Asia constitutes
nearly 12 per cent of the total refugees
in the world. These refugees are a
product of different types of crisis such
as armed uprising, communal clashes,
secessionist activities, displacement
caused by major river project, political
asylum etc. In South Asia, India
represent the main centre of such
movements and has hosted millions of
refugee over the past fifty years. At
present it continues to host over 292,000
refugees of various nationalities
including Tibetans, Sri Lankans, Chakmas
(Bangladeshi), Afghans, Sudanese,
Iranians and Iraqis.
Though,
South Asia has the fourth largest refugee
population in the world, yet none of the
South Asian country has either defined
the term refugee or established
procedures to determine refugee status.
The intermingling of refugee and
migratory movements makes it pertinent
that a legal definition be adopted so as
to enable refugees to receive the
humanitarian treatment they deserve.
Under international law a refugee is
defined as a person who ''owing to a
well-founded fear of being persecuted,
for reasons of race, religion,
nationality, membership of a particular
social group of political opinion, is
outside the country of his nationality
and is unable or, owing to such fear, is
unwilling to avail himself of the
protection of that country''. However,
some countries in Africa and Central
America have adopted a wider definition,
including persons fleeing from violent
conflict and gross violations of human
rights.
The
refugee problem in the region has been
there due to numerous factors- the
majority-minority number games in terms
of region, ethnic composition, political
authority and psychological one-upmanship
have conspicuously figured in almost all
the countries in South Asia, which people
fled. Consequently, refugee problem is
undoubtedly the most important phenomenon
of contemporary South Asian politics.
Therefore, refugee problem and its
linkage with international relations
among South Asian countries in general,
and India's foreign policy in particular,
is a very crucial problem for an indepth
analysis. Hence, a critical appraisal of
the phenomenon is not only pertinent but
also essential. Besides, there is a need
to examine the implications of the
refugee problem on India's domestic and
foreign policies.
Politics
of refugees in South Asia could broadly
be categorised into three types. First,
refugees have been used as means of
achieving cultural homeogeneity or
asserting the dominance of one ethnic
community over another in socio-economic
and political areas.
Second, it
has been utilized as a means of dealing
with political dissidents particularly
hostile to the regime and class enemies.
Finally, it is considered as part of a
strategy to achieve a foreign policy
objective. Besides, in many
circumstances, outside powers do play a
role in changing the conditions that
force people to leave their home
countries. The role can be supportive, in
the form of emergency assistance,
development aid, trade or investment etc.
It can also take the form of intervention
in the internal affairs of a State
through diplomacy, the withdrawal of
support, economic sanctions and even
militancy intervention.
Unlike
many other regions where external powers
were engaged, the conflicts and
subsequent refugee crises of South Asia
generated little outside interest. During
the Cold War, apart from the conflict in
Afghanistan, the issue at the root of
most of the region's conflicts and
refugee exoudses were not linked to the
East-West conflict and only marginally
affected the broader strategic issues in
which the superpower were engaged.
The
international situation of refugee is
undergoing a sea change in the post-Cold
War period and becoming extremely complex
and enlarged. Theoretical debates among
academicians and practitioners are going
on the removal of grey areas in refugee
studies and formulate a more befitting
theory taking congnizance of the new
realities of the international system.
The objectives of such effors have been
to enhance the boundaries of the growing
field. Refugee movements in South Asia
have become central components of
regional conflicts involving local
actors.
India has
always been a host to refugees coming
from many neighbouring and other
countries. It has been the centre stage
of South Asian refugee movement.
Therefore, any problem of mass migration
that emerged in South Asia will be
India-centric. Because, politically,
geographically, demographically as also
in terms of international relations,
India dominates South Asia. India having
a large size with accommodative federal
structure in which the constituent States
have more independence and political
space, the refugees of South Asian
countries have always found the
possibility of taking shelter in India
more attractive both in terms of the
politico-economic situations and human
acceptability.
Also
politico-social adaptability in India is
better than other neighbouring countries.
Political upheaval occurring in unstable
countries bordering India often created
situations forcing citizens of these
countries to seek refuge elsewhere.
Additionally, ethnic and religious
persecution forced minorities to join
similar people in India's multi-ethnic
and multilingual society. The demographic
pressure could also disturb the
absorption capacity of the local host
community. This capacity is defined as
community's willingness and ability to
absorb an influx of refugees. Local
absorption capacity refers to the
economic, social and cultural factors,
which affect the local receiving
community's response to refugees and
influence the policy of host country
towards the refugees.
The
refugees could turn out to be a serious
political risk under various
circumstances that have direct bearing on
the foreign policy consideration of the
host country. India is no exception to
such phenomenon. In India refugees have
created very serious political threat as
these politically heterogeneous forces
started aligning and realigning with
elements that were inimical to the
political stability in the host country,
i.e. India.
Refugees
affect the economic capacity of India in
both positive and negative manners.
Positively, refugees have been of
tremendous support to the local economy
as they were found to be willing to take
up jobs, which had no local takers. And
local people, often use the
infrastructure created for refugees in
and around the camp sites, without any
resistance from refugees. In negative
sense, this region has also witnessed
strong protests and upheavals against the
refugees, whenever the strong protests
and upheavals against the refugees,
whenever the host has felt some sort of
intrusion into their indigenousness.
Besides this, the local people have also
adversely reacted to the purported social
behaviour of refugees, such as
criminality, welfare dependency and
delinquency. If the host country accept
the economic assistance from any
international organisation like UNHCR,
then it put pressure on host government
towards more positve policy for refugees.
Refugees
affect the foreign policy of a country
through two core categories of factors,
(a) international relations, and; (b)
national security considerations. The
illegal crossing of people from one
country to another usually affects
international relations between receiving
and sending countries. Sending and
receiving countries can manipulate
refugee flows so as to embarrass or
pressurise each other.
Sending
countries creates or condone refugee flow
for a number of reasons: to destablize
the receiving country, force recognition
of the sending country, or to stop
interference by the receiving country in
its affairs etc.
A three
dimensional national security-strategic,
regime structural conception is often
used to explain the ways in which
refugees could threaten security. Within
this scheme the national security is
compromised when one or more of these
three dimensions are likely to be
threatened or eroded.
Strategically,
the host is threatened when refugees are
armed and the power of host country
looses control over them. Structurally,
it is threatened when by increasing
demand over the scarce resources reaches
the stage of conflict. Regime security
could be threatened when refugees enter
the domestic political process and create
pressures on the government.
Though
India has been a very generous country in
hosting refugee populations, it, like the
rest of South Asia, has no domestic law
on refugees, nor is it a party to the
1951 Convention on Refugees and its 1967
Protocol. It is because many South Asian
states in general and India in particular
feel that signing these conventions could
constrict their freedom of action in
dealing with unwanted migrations.
Consequently, in the absence of laws in
South Asian countries, refugees are
handled under provisions for foreigners,
which do not acknowledge ther special
humanitarian situation, which do not
acknowledge their special humanitarian
situation. One of the thrust areas of
UNHCR's advocacy efforts in India has
therefore been to highlight the absence
and the need for law to protect the
rights of refugees. Besides this, given
the sensitivity and resistance of South
Asian countries to adopting the 1951
Refugee Convention, a regional level
framework based on ''regional
specificities'' have also been put
forward as an alternative. At the
regional level, the SAARC can play an
instrumental role in formulating a
regional convention on refugee
management.
PTI
Feature
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Futile
U.S Bid to wean Africa away from Nam
By A P Singh
Former U.S.
Ambassador to the United Nations, Mr. Richard
Hal-brooke, in a kind of farewell speech, shocked
the representatives of several African nations by
advising them a clean breakaway from the
Non-Aligned Movement.
"I
respectfully ask the African countries to
reconsider their association with the Non-Aligned
Movement," Mr. Holbrooke told a group of
African UN Ambassadors. "The NAM is not
Africa's friend at this point. Your goals and the
NAM's are not synonymous," he said to the
movement which often functions as a block during
U.N deliberations. This remarks drew immediate
objections from the South African and Algerian
representatives.
The Non-Aligned
Movement, composed of more than 130 countries,
two-thirds of the UN membership, was founded in
1955 during the Cold War, by India, Yugoslavia
and Egypt, in an attempt to give developing
nations a voice independent from the Super
Powers.
Mr. Holbrooke said
that the Group of 77, which is practice were NAM
members, was more important for Africa on
economic issues. "NAM in my view should
cease to exist as a separate caucus or merge with
the G-77," Mr. Holbrooke said and added,
alternatively, "you and the African group
should consider distancing yourself from the NAM,
so you can protect African interests and not
allow yourself to be pushed by less than 10
radicalised in positions that you don't
need," he said.
Reacting sharply,
the South African envoy, Ms. Jeanette Ndhlovu,
whose country holds the current NAM chairmanship,
said Mr. Holbrooke's comments were "not in
keeping with the reality out there,"
although he had complimented South Africa's
efforts to smooth over differences in the group.
"NAM has been in the forefront of seeking to
address-and redress-many of the problems
confronting Africa, including debt relief and
drawing foreign direct investment," she
said.
"So those
comments are not in line with reality as we
perceive it. We are committed to NAM and to its
agenda." This was a clear snub to Mr.
Holbrooke.
The Algerian
ambassador, Mr. Abdullah Balall, said he
"totally disagreed" with Mr. Holbrooke.
"The NAM has supported in the past
liberation movements, the struggle against
apartheid, colonial occupation-and NAM is still
supportive of African causes," he asserted.
During the 1960's
and the 1970's the world had witnessed the
replacement of the earlier colonial domination of
the African continent by the neoclonialist
question of racial discrimination and apartheid.
On the two vestigial colonial problems in Africa,
Zimbabwe and Namibia, India was the acknowledged
crusader. It played a leader's role in taking up
African causes. It is beyond doubt that the
Indian diplomacy during the Middle East crisis
and the continuing pro-Arab posture improved the
universal prospects of non-alignment. The events
led to qualitative change in international
relations, and had a noticeable impact on the
non-aligned states, since the Havana Summit held
in September 1979, a few months before the Soviet
action in Afghanistan, which gave an impression
that the movement was being titled towards the
Eastern bloc. But the Afghan events caused a
change, which was clearly evident in the U.N.
General Assembly, a when a large majority of
non-aligned states, including India, advocated
withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan.
The policy of
none-alignment was the concerted response of the
national leaders of Africa, Asia and Latin
America to Europe's colonial exploitation and
cold war. The non-aligned countries could look to
the socialist group for help and inspiration.
Professor Gunnar Myrdal, in his well-known study,
"Asian Drama: An Inquiry into the Poverty of
Nations," attributed poverty to the absence
of the Institutions necessary for the attainment
of modernization ideals in South and South East
Asia. He, however, ignored the external factors
responsible for poverty.
If he had properly
analysed the nature of the contemporary epoch, he
would have found that the struggle of the Third
World is not only against domestic archaic
institutions, but also against the powerful
exploratory monopolies of the West. He would also
have assessed the contribution of the socialist
countries to the efforts to preserve the freedom
of the Third World.
These are some
examples of India's long history of formulating
and championing independent and right solutions
to global political and economic issues. This is
in keeping with the non-aligned approach that the
country has adopted in its foreign policy and has
won the approval of a majority of Third World
nations. The new impetus with which the country
has followed this policy since independence has
added weight to the country's views in world
forums.
At the Lusaka
Conference (in 1970) the non-aligned countries
pledged themselves "to adopt as far as
practicable a common approach" on the
economic problems affecting the developing,
non-aligned countries. And the Foreign Minister's
were advised to initiate early steps that end.
Pursuant to this recommendation, the Foreign
Ministers meet in the Georgetown, Guyana, in
August 1972. It was here that, for the first
time, an "Action Programme for Economic
Cooperation" was adopted. Significantly, the
expression "third world" is used twice
in the preamble of the resolution on the Action
Programme.
Non-aligned
countries also extended their "full and
unstined" support to the "developing
countries not belonging to the non-aligned
group" in a later part of the Georgetown
Declaration. Fifteen resolutions emerged from the
conference. Seven of the resolutions were general
in scope, the remaining being related to specific
countries and issues. Four resolutions directly
concerned Africa, namely those on apartheid, on
Portuguese colonies in Africa (it is somewhat
strange that nothing was said about
Portuguese-held territories in Asia, namely Macao
and Timor), on Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and on
Namibia. But seven other resolutions, though
general in scope, were on issues in which African
states were vitally interested. These referred to
the democratisation of international relations,
decolonisation, economic progress, the role of
the non-aligned countries, disarmament, the
seabed, and the U.N.
The resolutions on
apartheid strongly condemned the coutinuation of
the south African policy of racial discrimination
and apartheid. The resolution attacked, in
particular, the "Inhuman and degrading
treatment" meted out to prisoners and
detainees in South African prisons, the
Republic's so-called "outward" looking
foreign policy which aims at creating, "by
means of economic and financial pressures, a
buffer zone of puppet states on its borders'',
the continued presence of South African troops in
Angola, Mozambique and Rhodesia, and Sections 10
and 29 of the General Law Amendment Act, 1969,
concerning the Bureau of State Security (Boss)
which give arbitrary powers to the Republican
government.
The resolution
also denounced the US, the UK, France, the
Federal Republic of Germany, Italy and Japan, for
their "political, economic and military
collaboration with the government to reconsider
its intention of resuming the sale of arms of
South Africa. Finally, the non-aligned countries
were asked" to refrain from entering into
diplomatic, economic or any other relations with
South Africa", to sever such relations, if
any country already had them, and to assist the
peoples fighting against apartheid in South
Africa.
In the third
resolution, on the Portuguese Colonies, Portugal
was criticized for a "negative attitude' and
'obstinate refusal' to grant independence to its
colonies, while NATO members were criticized for
giving Portugal Economic and military assistance.
"All states" were asked to refrain from
participating in the Cabora Bassa Hydro-Electric
Scheme in Mozambique. In the fourth resolution,
on Rhodesia, Britain was criticized for not using
all means, including force, to end the Smith
rebellion.
A general
resolution on decolonisation (i) appealed to
France and Spain to allow, in the shortest
possible time their, dependent peoples to
exercise, under the control of the UN and OAU,
their right to self-determination! (ii) decided
as for as Portugal, South Africa, and Rhodesia
were concerned (a) to impose an embargo on trade,
(b) to deny landing rights and all facilities to
any planes and ship going to and coming from
these countries, (c) to break off diplomatic
relations with Portugal and South Africa, and (d)
to increase the special fund of the OAU
Liberation Committee; and (iii) requested the
President of the conference to establish contact
with NATO countries (and more particularly with
the US, the UK, France, West Germany, and Italy)
as also with Switzerland and Japan and urged them
to stop their direct and indirect assistance to
the regimes of colonial racist oppression.
The fourth
conference of non-aligned countries opened in
Algiers in September 1973. It assembled in an
international situation that differed essentially
from the situation in which preceding conferences
were held. The bloody imperialist aggression in
Vietnam had been halted and an armistice had been
announced in Laos. The removal of the flash point
in South Asia was of immense significance. A new
independent state, Bangladesh, had emerged.
The Political
Declaration adopted by the Algiers conference
contained 101 paragraphs stating the attitude of
the non-aligned nations to the most burning and
fundamental issues of the day. It noted, in
particular, the non-aligned nations' support for
the efforts to ease tension and expressed the
hope that detente would proliferate throughout
the world.
In keeping with
the guidelines mapped out at Belgrade and Cario,
it expressed support for all liberation movements
and sharply denounced neo-colonialism. These
issues were considered in detail in the
Declaration on the Struggle for National
Liberation, which accentuated support for the
liberation movements in Africa and exposed the
racist Pretoria-Salisbury and the link between
the racists of South Africa and Zionism.
The Conference
also called upon the conference on European
Security and Cooperation to undertake sharp
measurers against Portugal which persisted in the
pursuit of its brutal policies in Africa.
Confronted with the aggressiveness of
imperialism, the conference concluded that the
non-aligned countries that were the object of
direct aggressive pressure or aggression.
The period that
has elapsed since the Algeria conference
witnessed a further normalization of the
situation in South Africa. There was another
major event, the downfall of the Portuguese
colonial empire, the oldest colonial prison in
the world. The people of Guinea-Bissau, Sao Tome
and Principle, Mozambique, and the Cape Verde
Islands achieved independence, following the
overthrow of the fascist regime in Lisbon. Angola
was proclaimed fully independent on November 11,
1975. All this has radically changed the balance
of strength in South Africa-CNF.
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