EDITORIAL

TERRORISM NEEDS SPECIAL LEGISLATION

It goes without saving that this State is in grip of a fierce terrorism. But it is not easily perceived that terrorism is not a normal crime. Terrorism includes murder, loot, disturbing public order, attack on government officials and property, and a host of other criminal acts that are well defined in the codes of the criminal law. It gives the impression that terrorists can be booked under these provisions. This view is not a mere lay perception but is shared by many concerned activists. The activists in the field of civil liberties, in fact, are convinced that the existing legal provisions are actually more than what the executive authority needs to deal with ...more

PAPER TIGERS ALL

It was, probably, the American president Cleveland, who speaking of his rival (another American president), said that he did not have commonsense enough to pour piss out of a shoe with instructions written on the sole. But then, that is an era two centuries behind. The politicos then may have lacked the political aptitude. The politicians of our day are smart guys who need no instructions to pour anything from any container into whichever coffers they want. ....more

Delhi's stand on Kashmir
Men & Matters

By M L Kotru
What's one day in the life of a nation, more so in the life of
a nation as old as ours. Nothing very much......
more

Funny is ‘Agni’, funnier is Dalai
Man and Matters

From B L Kak
‘Agni’? No, not the Agni missile Indian scientists have successfully produced. ‘Agni’ is none other than the high-profile convenor of Panun ....
more

No war pact sans proxy war

By : Maj Gen V K Madhok (retired)
On the face of it a No War Pact (NWP) between India and Pakistan seems to be just the right thing to usher in peace between the two hostile ......
more

The idea of Indian nationalism
Yours Randomly

By Dr. R L Bhat
It may be a cliche and a worn out one at that, but man is a social animal. Human instinct for gregariousness is what indeed has set the saga of.......
.more

EDITORIAL

TERRORISM NEEDS SPECIAL LEGISLATION

It goes without saving that this State is in grip of a fierce terrorism. But it is not easily perceived that terrorism is not a normal crime. Terrorism includes murder, loot, disturbing public order, attack on government officials and property, and a host of other criminal acts that are well defined in the codes of the criminal law. It gives the impression that terrorists can be booked under these provisions. This view is not a mere lay perception but is shared by many concerned activists. The activists in the field of civil liberties, in fact, are convinced that the existing legal provisions are actually more than what the executive authority needs to deal with the problem. They, actually, hold that some of these provisions are too harsh and need to be modified to ensure that the authorities do not misuse them. Of course, they vehemently oppose bringing in any special legislation to deal with the problem of terrorism for the fear that they would bring yet more draconian measures within the reach of administration with more potential for abuses. The experience with TADA, especially its misuse, is an oft-cited example.

There is something to be said for the vehemence of the civil liberties organizations. It is no secret that the earlier TADA provisions were widely misused. It is also an undeniable fact that the authorities in State after State have been greatly misusing even the normal criminal provisions. The authorities appear to have a penchant for using the almost innocuous penal provisions for wrecking vengeances, outright denial of rights, confinement without court permission, long incarcerations with personal and political motives. Most of the time, the misuse has gone unpunished. Naturally the blanket provisions that the terrorist legislation confers raises all the heckles of these activists many of whom have first hand experience of this misuse. In fact, the long list of objections to terrorist legislation, under whatever name, is an extension of the primary misuse. There is a tendency here to see every legislation as an attempt by the executive authority to garner more and more powers. There is a plain refusal to see terrorism as different from the common crime, which simply is not true.

Terrorism is not normal crime. It is not a clutch of crimes, either. Terrorism is a subversion of the State, of the total process of law, its provisions, its machinery, its implementation and enforcement. Terrorists operate beyond law. Their instrument is terror, not deceit as is the case with ordinary criminal. A criminal tries to overcome law with tricks and deception. The legal apparatus is accepted and is functional. The judge listens, the prosecutor prosecutes, the police investigates and the witnesses help, are free to help, or can be compelled to help the law in its course. The criminal wants to escape punishment but does not escape from the society, from its force. The terrorist brings the society, its whole machinery under the spell of extra-State terror. The investigation cannot be completed, the witnesses would not testify, the prosecution as well as the judges are under palpable threat. Everything is abnormal. Though the mafia at times approaches the definition of terrorism, the later is a much wider, much more motivated, thoroughly anti-State activity supported by an ideology which, how so perverse, is an article of faith for the terrorist. The normal procedures of law are no match for the sway, influence and effect of the terrorist activity. In a democracy it becomes all the more difficult to deal with the activity as the terrorists easily manage to use the apparatus of the State to defeat the State itself. A terrorist killing is not a simple 302-murder. To hold two identical is plain naivete. It is positively harmful to.. nay dangerous for the very existence of the State that confers the rights and liberties. Terrorism can be dealt only with special measures, based on the recognition that it is a special crime.

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It was, probably, the American president Cleveland, who speaking of his rival (another American president), said that he did not have commonsense enough to pour piss out of a shoe with instructions written on the sole. But then, that is an era two centuries behind. The politicos then may have lacked the political aptitude. The politicians of our day are smart guys who need no instructions to pour anything from any container into whichever coffers they want. They, in fact, are so smart that they would not to touch any piss, would never pour it out and yet can make everybody believe that all defilements have been removed. That is what the politicians have been doing for decades- making everybody believe that they are 'doing' the needful without doing anything, without pouring any piss out of the political pot. One made us believe to have 'hatoed garibi,' another to have 'worked', a couple more built their political fortunes on our credulity with the planks of 'cleanliness', while others said they were simply 'different' and we believed them. Though the tricks were seen through, it was only after the event. When it mattered, they had our credulity all in their bags.

Yes there is enough sense, smart, clever sense there in the political arenas. The political set up, the premises on which this polity works, favors only those men and omen who are sharp and shrewd enough to lead everybody along the path of high deception called political promise, never to be fulfilled, never to be redeemed, often not to be remembered. Of course that is not 'common sense' in that old-fashioned holistic way. It certainly is not integrity and character. The attributes, which we generally associated with being tigers among men, are simply lacking there. Whichever way you look at the political spectrum of this nation you find only paper tigers living on the meal of political promises. That is good enough for them, because paper tigers need not eat. But it is no good for the nation. Nations need men who are more penetrating, more bold, more resourceful and capable than any tiger in the jungle. India of recent memory seems to have lost the capacity to produce tigers, or at least of nurturing them.

You have shrewd men and women all around. Cunning and crafty, to. They are adept salesmen who have mastered the technology of catching the credulous Indian by the ear. They can make people believe anything, but cannot make anything happen. They can promise anything, make you take it as truth divine, but cannot make any promise good. They, as it now transpires, cannot even govern. They have singularly failed to pour the piss out of this pot because the instructions are written son the underside and they cannot read them. Meanwhile, the piss gathers in the pot, getting fouler and fouler, raising a high stink. Many have come to believe that this paper tiger revels in the stench. Others tell that since it is all paper it does not mind because it does not see or smell anything the stink, the piss or even the overflowing pot.

Delhi's stand on Kashmir
Men & Matters

By M L Kotru

What's one day in the life of a nation, more so in the life of
a nation as old as ours. Nothing very much. Unless it be a day like the Americans dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima or Nagasaki or, nearer home a day like when Nathuram Godse pumped those bullets into the frail frame of Gandhi. But one day last week was unlike any other. It was not an unusual day; yet it was a day that summed up the confusion surrounding India's position in Kashmir. You had Prime Minister Vajpayee cooing peace, telling us all's well between him and the General across the border. You also had Home Minister Advani, all fire and brimstone, warning anyone within earshot of "strong action" the Government would initiate to combat growing terrorism in Kashmir.

What's so unusual for a day like that, you will ask. After all the Prime Minister and the Home Minister were only repeating their known positions. Besides, Kashmir has become quite a bore. Kashmir, Kashmir, Kashmir, as Gen. Musharraf would say. Yes, we do talk of killings and violence in Jammu and Kashmir but that again is such a boring routine. But on this day the dichotomy of the Indian stance stood stripped, helplessly so. Vajpayee gave a clean chit to Islamic Madrassahs in India when Pakistan is under fire for letting them function. Advani meanwhile was promising no room to fundamentalists except, or course, his own.

In one part of the valley Kashmiri Muslims were agitating over the death of a minor shot by the Army. The mob had obstructed the passage of an Army convoy and the soliders opened fire killing the minor. It was a tragic incident but then Armies are not trained to do civil policing. The local police should have ensured that the convoy passes the point unobstructed. This could have been achieved by either by dispersing the mob or by not allowing it to gather there in the first place.

Across the Banihal range, in ill-starred Doda, a village was mourning the mass killing of yet another group of 15 residents, within days of a similar carnage in the district, by Pakistani terrorists. Those killed were Hindu shepherds who normally take their flocks for grazing higher up the surrounding mountain ranges. The similarity of the two Doda killings, claiming a toll of some three dozen innocent Hindu villagers within the space of two weeks, is too glaring to be missed. As is the inaction of the local police. After the second killing some villagers trudged down the mountain side to the nearby police station only to be told that it was not equipped to deal with terrorists. If the police was unable to protect them who in God's name is expected to do it for them. Not the so-called village defence committee which is equipped with old rusty world war II 3.3 rifle. Not when confronted by Pak-equipped terrorists.

And yet across the Banihal range, in the Valley, the death of two known terrorists was converted by secessionists into an occasion for mass protest against Indian barbarity. Not everyone in the Valley may have shared the secessionists' view of things but they nevertheless brought life to a standstill. The poor Hindu shepherds of Doda for the most part went unlamented except for the mindless rantings of the local MP and Minister of Civil Aviation, Chaman Lal Gupta who forgot the terrorists and instead raised a cry for Farooq Abdullah's head. You also had the Minister of State for Home Mr I D Swami making the usual on-the-spot inquiry - thanks to fair weather and easy availability of helicopters. Gupta is of course pursuing his own agenda (separation of Jammu) and his attack on the State Government, although, well deserved, was thus predictable. But what exactly did Swami do apart from promising stepped up anti-terrorist measures in which he was already pre-empted by his boss L K Advani. The interesting part of it all is that while Gupta believes that a separate Jammu would be better off` without the "millstone" of the valley round its neck, the terrorists acting in places like Doda have a similar objective. They want to scare the Hindu population away from the mountainous Doda - Kishtwar belt with the purpose of (a) making the higher ground safe for themselves (b) to effect a demographic change that renders the present 55-45 Muslim-Hindu equation even more favourable towards Muslims. It's exactly a repeat of what was done to Kashmiri Pandits in the Valley when they migrated en messe some ten years ago. But the numbers in the Valley were so heavily stacked up against the Pandits.

It doesn't give me any pleasure at the personal level to be writing like a communal bigot which I am not and hope never will be. But I am amazed by the double-speak on Kashmir one comes across both in New Delhi in Srinagar and not surprisingly in Pakistan. I would like to keep the Farooq Abdullah Government out picture for the moment. His Government in the first place is an irrelevancy. The record of performance of the State Government is big zero, that's if you overlook his usual brave, war-like talk on Pakistan every time he opens his mouth. He is a past master in playing to the Indian gallery and luckily for him there is no one in New Delhi to rein him in. On the other hand every effort is made to keep him in good cheer. The thing that worries me more about the Valley is how the non-National Conference leadership is willing to bite the Pakistani line hook, line and sinker. Forget the sensible noises one or the other separatist leader makes from time to time but, in the main, all of them are willing to join the Pakistani war cry accusing Indian Army of being a barbarian force. Even minor incidents are blown out of proportion. When soliders or someone from the security personnel gets killed by the terrorists that becomes an occasion for celebration but the mood suddenly becomes sombre and resentful when a terrorist is killed in combat. And the human rightists are never the ones to miss out on such occasions.

If known terrorists choose to convert a mosque into a hide-out to battle it out with the security forces that's acceptable but if the terrorists get killed (even without damaging their-so-called safe haven) it becomes a sacrilege, disecration. And this is high voltage incendiary stuff, raising religious passions to high pitch. To make matters worse you have a man like Chaman Lal Gupta in Jammu who complements the bigot's role in Jammu. He loses no opportunity to widen the communal divide between Jammu and Srinagar. Which is perhaps the right thing for Gupta, the BJP man, to do if he sees political advantage for his party in it, but as a Minister in the Union Government he should learn where to draw a line.

To give the devil his due, it's likely that it is the survival instinct of the political animal called Gupta that forces him to take extreme positions but can't he be more discreet. He should take a lesson in this regard from his colleague from Srinagar, the young Omar Abdullah, currently the junior Minister for External Affairs.

The question though remains where exactly does New Delhi stand on Kashmir. Mr Vajpayee's cup of woes is full even otherwise; he need not add to his problems by harping on peace talks when the other side is showing no signs of restraining the jihadis in Pakistan and those operating in Jammu and Kashmir. If securing peace is the Prime Minister's objective he must tell the Pakistani military ruler that there is no point in their playing cat-and-mouse. Oneupmanship is something both can do but that will not lead Vajpayee to peace.

Simultaneously, Mr L K Advani should come out with more specific plans to counter the mounting pace of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir. The man who promised a pro-active response to the terrorists must realise that there has been no let up in the influx of jihadis into the State. Hot pursuit may not be the most logical way to fight the meance but the Home Minister must ensure that mere repetition of phrases like "strong action" is not the answer to beat the terrorists. Let him openly tell Pakistan that Indian Security Forces will use all the force at their disposal to meet the terrorist challenge and that he is ready to suffer the consequences if in the fall-out some civilians, both in Jammu and in the Valley, are hurt. If Gen Musharraf is intent on keeping up the proxy war, Mr advani must see to it that the exercise becomes equally expensive for the General. The dichotomy between the Vajpayee and Advani approaches must be ended and a middle path found.

Funny is ‘Agni’, funnier is Dalai
Man and Matters

From B L Kak

‘Agni’? No, not the Agni missile Indian scientists have successfully produced. ‘Agni’ is none other than the high-profile convenor of Panun Kashmir outfit, Dr Agnishekhar. Three factors are, apparently, responsible for Dr Agnishekhar's follow-me style.

First in spite of the existence of more than one outfit of the displaced Kashmiri Pandits, Dr Agnishekhar, though having become somewhat controversial in recent months, does not face a serious challenge from other leaders of his community. Second, his warm flirtation's with the influential section of the Sangh Parivar, including the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), seem to have created in him "I am-not-an-ordinary-person" feeling. Third, his unpublished visits to and interaction with a set of Indian intelligence personnel have also led to his superiority complex.

It requires to be mentioned that one has to pass through Gate numebr 7 of Delhi's North Block to get into touch with these intelligence officials. And Dr Agnishekhar is fully aware of the route and the location of the offices of his ‘friends’ in the Intelligence Bureau. Some other Pandit activists, too,have also passed through Gate number 7 umpteen times in recent times — yes, not without purpose, according to a set of official documents.

The Prime Minister, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, and some of his Ministerial colleagues, particularly Mr L K Advani, Mr Jagmohan, Ms Sushma Swaraj and Mr Pramod Mahajan, as well as Mr Brajesh Mishra, Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister haven't hitherto refuted or questioned Dr Agnishekhar's claim that Panun Kashmir organisation is the principal representative body of the displaced members of the Pandit community.

And chiefs of the RAW, IB and Border Security Force (BSF) and Union Home Secretary, too, haven't brushed aside Dr Agnishekhar's contribution and commitment to keeping alive the outfit as part of the bigger game to ensure that in any scheme of things vis-a-vis future administrative and political arrangement in his homeland, Kashmir, the Pandit community were not ignored.

This, however, does not suggest that Dr Agnishekhar has been mandated to tell the Prime Minister what he should and should not do vis-a-vis Gen. Parvez Musharraf's invitation to him to visit Pakistan. Mr Brajesh Mishra emphasized that Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee possessed the capacity and capability to draw up his agenda and he did not require ‘outsiders’ — an obvious reference to Dr Agnishekhar — to educate him on merits and demerits of his proposed visit to Islamabad.

The Prime Minister, it was officially stated, cannot be expected to oblige Dr Agnishekhar by calling off the proposed visit to Pakistan. The Prime Minister, while ignoring Dr Agnishekhar's suggestion, also wanted, at the same time, to brush aside the Dalai Lama's "irrelevant" observation equating the conditions in Kashmir with Tibet. The Dalai Lama, though continuing to be the spiritual leader of Tibetans, is a refugee with no mandate or right to speak on behalf of the people of Kashmir.

He may raise a hue and cry for grant of genuine self-rule by China to the people of Tibet. But he has no business to interfere in the internal affairs of Jammu and Kashmir. Known for his effective network in various foreign countries particularly the USA the Tibetan pontiff obviously wanted to sell someone's idea on Kashmir's new set-up. Whose idea was it when the Dalai Lama, while inaugurating the ‘South Asia Peace Conference’ at Chennai, capital city of Tamil Nadu, wanted India and Pakistan to consider the ‘right to self-rule’ as a means for resolving the Kashmir imbroglio?

By the time the Chennai function was over, a message was conveyed to the Tibetan pontiff urging him to avoid dabbing in the internal affairs of Kashmir in future. The message, indeed, let it be known that he has no right to call for any kind of ‘self-rule’ or the inclusion of Kashmiris in India-Pakistan talks. The two leaders of Kashmir's All-Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC), Mr Abdul Ghani Lone and Mr Omar Farooq, who also attended the Chennai function, appeared to have played the trick during their ‘cordial’ talks with the Dalai Lama.

In the process, two developments took place. First, the Dalai stirred a hornet's nest by highlighting the need for grant of ‘self-rule’ to Kashmir. Second, Mr Omar Farooq, while praising the Dalai Lama's sacrifices and contribution, demonstrated a bit of stupidity as he wanted the Tibetan pontiff to use his spiritual powers to relieve the Kashmiris of their sufferings. Mr Omar Farooq requires to be told that even as the vast numbers of Tibetans regard the Dalai as their spritual leader, he is not a super-man, not a miracle-man at all.

Whey do Mr Omar Farooq and like-minded Kashmiri activists try to divert the attention from the main issue, namely, Pakistan's unwillingness to stop cross-border terrorism and violence and vandalism in Jammu and Kashmir that have multiplied the Kashmiris' miseries? Clearly, the Dalai Lama has no role to play in Kashmir.

He is, it can be safely said, simply a politico-religious leader wielding lot of clout as the head of the Tibetan Government-in-exile at Dharamsala in Himachal Pradesh.The Dalai Lama also reqires to be told that his call for any kind of ‘self-rule’ in Kashmir won't be acceptable to powers-that-be in New Delhi and Srinagar, if one were to take into account the basic fact of history, namely, existence of popular Governments in J&K since its to India its accession to India in 1947.

No war pact sans proxy war

By : Maj Gen V K Madhok (retired)

On the face of it a No War Pact (NWP) between India and Pakistan seems to be just the right thing to usher in peace between the two hostile neighbours. In fact, it was India which first mooted the idea of a NWP in Aug 1949. The offer was renewed in 1965, 1968, 1972, 1977 and finally in Feb 1980. These offers were rejected by Islamabad as it wanted to keep its options open. And now it is Gen Musharraf who has offered a NWP (not to include militants, activities) on the eve of Indo-Pak summit which would close India's options.

Without cessation of support to nearly 28 Jihadi Groups operating in Kashmir from bases in Pakistan the offer of a NWP is not only a Red Herring but a clever move to gain international approbation and to keep Pakistan's options open provided India signs it. But from New Delhi's point of view a NWP is totally unimplementable in the changed security environment.

But it suits Pakistan: As Islamabad is afraid and cannot afford to have another direct confrontation with India, because if it loses it would be badly split and totally wiped out with a ruined economy. Therefore, it has rightly chosen proxy war as an alternative tool to get at Kashmir. A method which has not only kept New Delhi in a tizzy but enabled Islamabad to maintain diplomatic relations wherein its artists, journalists and businessmen can visit India and yet over six lac or so Indian security forces have been kept busy round the clock in J&K. Thus making a big hole in India's defence budget. Thus, a NWP will further ensure Pakistan's security, keep its options open while India's options will be closed for good so far as any military action to take back PoK or even to eliminate militant the proxy war in J&K besides organising another one in India's northeast. For which its ISI is already engaged in making hectic efforts to bring together various secessionist movement s who are fighting for independence or to extend the boundaries of their states.

But a NWP is viable provided both neighbours agree to maintain an arms register showing the current and future status of their arms and military hardware including contemplated imports from their suppliers, which is open for inspection. Provided, they agree to designate inescapable force levels and nuclear weapons which are required as minimum deterrence against each other. Provided, they agree to hold a plebiscite in J&K according to UN resolutions which stipulate withdrawal of Pakistan's forces from occupied areas-as a first requisite, before conducting a referendum. Provided, they set up monitoring mechanisms to visit each others arms and missile production factories, stop the ongoing secret wars by ISI and RAW, let their military officers attend mutual training courses and agree to eliminate militant bases across the LoC. It is only when both sides agree to these and other measures that effective steps would have been taken towards exploring the possibility of signing a NWP.

A NWP as such is a pipe dream. Today, there is tremendous hatred in Pakistan against India. The entire Nation is seized with a frenzy to get Kashmir whatever the cost. It will be difficult to assuage this frenetic state built over a period with propaganda. Further, India has no option but to maintain a credible, conventional and nuclear posture against China which can be misinterpretted. As India would be fully justified to refuse any inspection or monitoring of this posture. Concurrently, Musharraf cannot vouche for Talibans, their future intentions to participate in Jihad in Kashmir or for that matter other Fundamentalist activities from Afghanistan against India.

Most important, a NWP can be usurped by a new aggressive government in India or another military coup in Pakistan. It will therefore be dismal imagination even to talk of a NWP. Because it suits Pakistan, closes India's options and would increase Indian Army's commitments against the proxy war.

In the past, both countries have agreed to enforce nearly half a dozen Confidence Building Measures (CBM). These include : Not to attack each other's designated nuclear establishments lists of which have been exchanged and are periodically reviewed, establishment of a Hot line between Army headquarters (DGMOS) of both countries, arrangements for giving advance notice regarding military excercises to avoid misunderstanding and before conducting missile tests, and stoppage of air violations.

In addition to above, think tanks and analysts have proposed other CBMs to include the possibility of demilitarising of the LoC which will ease interaction between those families which are split and are living on both sides of the border. Also, to revive the draft agreement on Siachen Glacier for reduction of troops, setting up of a joint working group for checking terrorism and institutional arrangements to check violations on the LoC.

The bottom line is that in the final analysis, in the current scenario of hostility and distrust a NWP is a distant dream. A very large number of CBMs would have to be taken to remove the existing hatred before we can think of signing a NWP.

The idea of Indian nationalism

Yours Randomly
By Dr. R L Bhat

It may be a cliche and a worn out one at that, but man is a social animal. Human instinct for gregariousness is what indeed has set the saga of civilization rolling. How did the first humans get to stick together? It could have been the instinctual imperative of food, sex and protection. Probably, it was a combination of all the three. But alongside these there was the perception that grouping combined the advantages of all with a bonus of its own which made life easier and significant in a strangely un-animalistic way. That gave the defenseless biped a rousing advantage over the other millions of species. That is social contract in its barest. Over the next thousands of years this bonus was defined and re-defined in a number of ways. Possibly, the protective advantage was first realized. Thence emerged the concept of political unity, the cohesion of kingships. People under one polity, one king, were 'one'.

Later, the social practice appears to have taken the upper hand in the reckoning. People were identified by the viture of their creeds, customs and practices. Codified, this become religion and all around the ancient and most of the medieval times we see the creed and polity, religion and kingships, battling for the pivotal position of social definition. Sometimes it is the kingships, around which the human grouping is getting defined; sometimes it is the religion. Roman empire even in its later Christian color put polity at its base. Islamic Khilafat was primarily a religious preoccupation, enhanced and enforced with the temporal power. Indeed, the later medieval ages saw the religion and polity combined to the extent that even in the non-Muslim societies the king and the religious head were inseparable.

Thus while the earlier all-inclusive concept of full temporal authority residing in the Khalifa in the Muslim world of early medieval times, gave way to disparate kings all imbused with the religious zeal, in Europe a reversal of sorts saw that the disparate kingships came under increasing influence of a single Church. The English Protestantism, the French, Prussic, Italian Catholicism and the internecine warring groups in the Persio-Arabic milieu all represent a mixing of religion and polity as the description of social alignment. Nationalism was still an incipient formulation. Then came renaissance. It defined social contract in terms of local, cultural and linguistic uniformities. Over the next three hundred years the concept of nationalism gained acceptance all over the globe, not the least because it appeared a very rational definition of social configuration in the age of reason that followed.

Geographical contiguity, cultural empathy and linguistic homogeneity came through as apt parameters for defining the social affinities. Depending upon their experience, nations promoted restrictive or wide-angle descriptions of nationalism. While the majority of 'nations' say in Africa tended to be restrictive, the ones in Asia adopted the wide-reaching views. Indian nationalism had a strong historical as well as cultural basis and though a plethora of languages would have split this identity, their common origin in Sanskrit as also their close intercourse glued the gaps together to yield a composite concept of Indian nationalism. Indeed, the idea so captivated the masses of the subcontinent that the British found nothing to counter it. The empire finally surrendered to this surge of nationalism.

During the last years of freedom struggle the Indian nationalism can be said to have reached its pinnacle. It defined approaches, attitudes, goals and even destinies. The whole subcontinent then was welded into one nation that none could defeat. But it could be subverted. The primal subversion came from Sri Syed and his later day heir Jinnah. One fostered the idea of Islam as an entity and the other pulled it far apart to found a whole 'nationalism' upon it. That was the first blow given to the surging nationhood. It rejected all the reasoned factors of culture, geography and language and resurrected the medieval construct of religion as the basis of nationalism. The surprising thing was that there were many takers for the idea who finally succeeded in carving out a part of the Indian nation. After fifty years of floundering upon that anachronism, that nationalism is still embarked upon its bogey. And is ridiculing the Indian ethos with its compulsive obsession.

The fathers of freedom struggle who saw one group rejecting the nationalist thesis should have confronted this idea with its truth, but chose to paper it over. The basis for that was laid early in the Lucknow pact of 1916. That papering continued through the forties and fifties. It was a last ditch effort to stitch up the torn fabric of nationalism. But once the idea had been forced upon them with the partition, they should have taken a reality check of those convictions of theirs. Instead of realizing, that their concept of nationalism had been truncated by the reality of Pakistan, they 'rejected' the idea of religious-nationalism. The papering-over had become a national philosophy. And so it has continued over all the succeeding decades of the last century. The post independence polity has just not escaped the consequences of that silent acceptance and verbal rejection. Communalisation of polity, the religio-political doublespeak, the contradiction of unilateral, unreciprocated secularism.... all, are children of this ideological muddle. Here is the birth 370 and Autonomy. And, much of the Kashmir problem.

 



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