EDITORIAL
TERRORISM
NEEDS SPECIAL LEGISLATION
It goes without saving
that this State is in grip of a fierce terrorism. But it
is not easily perceived that terrorism is not a normal
crime. Terrorism includes murder, loot, disturbing public
order, attack on government officials and property, and a
host of other criminal acts that are well defined in the
codes of the criminal law. It gives the impression that
terrorists can be booked under these provisions. This
view is not a mere lay perception but is shared by many
concerned activists. The activists in the field of civil
liberties, in fact, are convinced that the existing legal
provisions are actually more than what the executive
authority needs to deal with ...more
PAPER
TIGERS ALL
It was, probably, the
American president Cleveland, who speaking of his rival
(another American president), said that he did not have
commonsense enough to pour piss out of a shoe with
instructions written on the sole. But then, that is an
era two centuries behind. The politicos then may have
lacked the political aptitude. The politicians of our day
are smart guys who need no instructions to pour anything
from any container into whichever coffers they want. ....more
|
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Delhi's
stand on Kashmir
Men & Matters
By M L Kotru
What's one day in the life of a nation, more so in the
life of
a nation as old as ours. Nothing very much......more
Funny
is Agni, funnier is Dalai
Man and Matters
From B L Kak
Agni? No, not the Agni missile Indian
scientists have successfully produced. Agni
is none other than the high-profile convenor of Panun
....more
No
war pact sans proxy war
By : Maj Gen V K Madhok (retired)
On the face of it a No War Pact (NWP) between India and
Pakistan seems to be just the right thing to usher in
peace between the two hostile ......more
The
idea of Indian nationalism
Yours Randomly
By Dr. R L Bhat
It may be a cliche and a worn out one at that, but man is
a social animal. Human instinct for gregariousness is
what indeed has set the saga of........more
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EDITORIAL
TERRORISM NEEDS SPECIAL
LEGISLATION
It goes without saving
that this State is in grip of a fierce terrorism. But it
is not easily perceived that terrorism is not a normal
crime. Terrorism includes murder, loot, disturbing public
order, attack on government officials and property, and a
host of other criminal acts that are well defined in the
codes of the criminal law. It gives the impression that
terrorists can be booked under these provisions. This
view is not a mere lay perception but is shared by many
concerned activists. The activists in the field of civil
liberties, in fact, are convinced that the existing legal
provisions are actually more than what the executive
authority needs to deal with the problem. They, actually,
hold that some of these provisions are too harsh and need
to be modified to ensure that the authorities do not
misuse them. Of course, they vehemently oppose bringing
in any special legislation to deal with the problem of
terrorism for the fear that they would bring yet more
draconian measures within the reach of administration
with more potential for abuses. The experience with TADA,
especially its misuse, is an oft-cited example.
There is something to be
said for the vehemence of the civil liberties
organizations. It is no secret that the earlier TADA
provisions were widely misused. It is also an undeniable
fact that the authorities in State after State have been
greatly misusing even the normal criminal provisions. The
authorities appear to have a penchant for using the
almost innocuous penal provisions for wrecking
vengeances, outright denial of rights, confinement
without court permission, long incarcerations with
personal and political motives. Most of the time, the
misuse has gone unpunished. Naturally the blanket
provisions that the terrorist legislation confers raises
all the heckles of these activists many of whom have
first hand experience of this misuse. In fact, the long
list of objections to terrorist legislation, under
whatever name, is an extension of the primary misuse.
There is a tendency here to see every legislation as an
attempt by the executive authority to garner more and
more powers. There is a plain refusal to see terrorism as
different from the common crime, which simply is not
true.
Terrorism is not normal
crime. It is not a clutch of crimes, either. Terrorism is
a subversion of the State, of the total process of law,
its provisions, its machinery, its implementation and
enforcement. Terrorists operate beyond law. Their
instrument is terror, not deceit as is the case with
ordinary criminal. A criminal tries to overcome law with
tricks and deception. The legal apparatus is accepted and
is functional. The judge listens, the prosecutor
prosecutes, the police investigates and the witnesses
help, are free to help, or can be compelled to help the
law in its course. The criminal wants to escape
punishment but does not escape from the society, from its
force. The terrorist brings the society, its whole
machinery under the spell of extra-State terror. The
investigation cannot be completed, the witnesses would
not testify, the prosecution as well as the judges are
under palpable threat. Everything is abnormal. Though the
mafia at times approaches the definition of terrorism,
the later is a much wider, much more motivated,
thoroughly anti-State activity supported by an ideology
which, how so perverse, is an article of faith for the
terrorist. The normal procedures of law are no match for
the sway, influence and effect of the terrorist activity.
In a democracy it becomes all the more difficult to deal
with the activity as the terrorists easily manage to use
the apparatus of the State to defeat the State itself. A
terrorist killing is not a simple 302-murder. To hold two
identical is plain naivete. It is positively harmful to..
nay dangerous for the very existence of the State that
confers the rights and liberties. Terrorism can be dealt
only with special measures, based on the recognition that
it is a special crime.
PAPER TIGERS ALL
It was, probably, the
American president Cleveland, who speaking of his rival
(another American president), said that he did not have
commonsense enough to pour piss out of a shoe with
instructions written on the sole. But then, that is an
era two centuries behind. The politicos then may have
lacked the political aptitude. The politicians of our day
are smart guys who need no instructions to pour anything
from any container into whichever coffers they want.
They, in fact, are so smart that they would not to touch
any piss, would never pour it out and yet can make
everybody believe that all defilements have been removed.
That is what the politicians have been doing for decades-
making everybody believe that they are 'doing' the
needful without doing anything, without pouring any piss
out of the political pot. One made us believe to have
'hatoed garibi,' another to have 'worked', a couple more
built their political fortunes on our credulity with the
planks of 'cleanliness', while others said they were
simply 'different' and we believed them. Though the
tricks were seen through, it was only after the event.
When it mattered, they had our credulity all in their
bags.
Yes there is enough sense,
smart, clever sense there in the political arenas. The
political set up, the premises on which this polity
works, favors only those men and omen who are sharp and
shrewd enough to lead everybody along the path of high
deception called political promise, never to be
fulfilled, never to be redeemed, often not to be
remembered. Of course that is not 'common sense' in that
old-fashioned holistic way. It certainly is not integrity
and character. The attributes, which we generally
associated with being tigers among men, are simply
lacking there. Whichever way you look at the political
spectrum of this nation you find only paper tigers living
on the meal of political promises. That is good enough
for them, because paper tigers need not eat. But it is no
good for the nation. Nations need men who are more
penetrating, more bold, more resourceful and capable than
any tiger in the jungle. India of recent memory seems to
have lost the capacity to produce tigers, or at least of
nurturing them.
You have shrewd men and
women all around. Cunning and crafty, to. They are adept
salesmen who have mastered the technology of catching the
credulous Indian by the ear. They can make people believe
anything, but cannot make anything happen. They can
promise anything, make you take it as truth divine, but
cannot make any promise good. They, as it now transpires,
cannot even govern. They have singularly failed to pour
the piss out of this pot because the instructions are
written son the underside and they cannot read them.
Meanwhile, the piss gathers in the pot, getting fouler
and fouler, raising a high stink. Many have come to
believe that this paper tiger revels in the stench.
Others tell that since it is all paper it does not mind
because it does not see or smell anything the stink, the
piss or even the overflowing pot.
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Delhi's
stand on Kashmir
Men & Matters
By M L
Kotru
What's one
day in the life of a nation, more so in
the life of
a nation as old as ours. Nothing very
much. Unless it be a day like the
Americans dropped the atomic bomb on
Hiroshima or Nagasaki or, nearer home a
day like when Nathuram Godse pumped those
bullets into the frail frame of Gandhi.
But one day last week was unlike any
other. It was not an unusual day; yet it
was a day that summed up the confusion
surrounding India's position in Kashmir.
You had Prime Minister Vajpayee cooing
peace, telling us all's well between him
and the General across the border. You
also had Home Minister Advani, all fire
and brimstone, warning anyone within
earshot of "strong action" the
Government would initiate to combat
growing terrorism in Kashmir.
What's so
unusual for a day like that, you will
ask. After all the Prime Minister and the
Home Minister were only repeating their
known positions. Besides, Kashmir has
become quite a bore. Kashmir, Kashmir,
Kashmir, as Gen. Musharraf would say.
Yes, we do talk of killings and violence
in Jammu and Kashmir but that again is
such a boring routine. But on this day
the dichotomy of the Indian stance stood
stripped, helplessly so. Vajpayee gave a
clean chit to Islamic Madrassahs in India
when Pakistan is under fire for letting
them function. Advani meanwhile was
promising no room to fundamentalists
except, or course, his own.
In one
part of the valley Kashmiri Muslims were
agitating over the death of a minor shot
by the Army. The mob had obstructed the
passage of an Army convoy and the
soliders opened fire killing the minor.
It was a tragic incident but then Armies
are not trained to do civil policing. The
local police should have ensured that the
convoy passes the point unobstructed.
This could have been achieved by either
by dispersing the mob or by not allowing
it to gather there in the first place.
Across the
Banihal range, in ill-starred Doda, a
village was mourning the mass killing of
yet another group of 15 residents, within
days of a similar carnage in the
district, by Pakistani terrorists. Those
killed were Hindu shepherds who normally
take their flocks for grazing higher up
the surrounding mountain ranges. The
similarity of the two Doda killings,
claiming a toll of some three dozen
innocent Hindu villagers within the space
of two weeks, is too glaring to be
missed. As is the inaction of the local
police. After the second killing some
villagers trudged down the mountain side
to the nearby police station only to be
told that it was not equipped to deal
with terrorists. If the police was unable
to protect them who in God's name is
expected to do it for them. Not the
so-called village defence committee which
is equipped with old rusty world war II
3.3 rifle. Not when confronted by
Pak-equipped terrorists.
And yet
across the Banihal range, in the Valley,
the death of two known terrorists was
converted by secessionists into an
occasion for mass protest against Indian
barbarity. Not everyone in the Valley may
have shared the secessionists' view of
things but they nevertheless brought life
to a standstill. The poor Hindu shepherds
of Doda for the most part went unlamented
except for the mindless rantings of the
local MP and Minister of Civil Aviation,
Chaman Lal Gupta who forgot the
terrorists and instead raised a cry for
Farooq Abdullah's head. You also had the
Minister of State for Home Mr I D Swami
making the usual on-the-spot inquiry -
thanks to fair weather and easy
availability of helicopters. Gupta is of
course pursuing his own agenda
(separation of Jammu) and his attack on
the State Government, although, well
deserved, was thus predictable. But what
exactly did Swami do apart from promising
stepped up anti-terrorist measures in
which he was already pre-empted by his
boss L K Advani. The interesting part of
it all is that while Gupta believes that
a separate Jammu would be better off`
without the "millstone" of the
valley round its neck, the terrorists
acting in places like Doda have a similar
objective. They want to scare the Hindu
population away from the mountainous Doda
- Kishtwar belt with the purpose of (a)
making the higher ground safe for
themselves (b) to effect a demographic
change that renders the present 55-45
Muslim-Hindu equation even more
favourable towards Muslims. It's exactly
a repeat of what was done to Kashmiri
Pandits in the Valley when they migrated
en messe some ten years ago. But the
numbers in the Valley were so heavily
stacked up against the Pandits.
It
doesn't give me any pleasure at the
personal level to be writing like a
communal bigot which I am not and hope
never will be. But I am amazed by the
double-speak on Kashmir one comes across
both in New Delhi in Srinagar and not
surprisingly in Pakistan. I would like to
keep the Farooq Abdullah Government out
picture for the moment. His Government in
the first place is an irrelevancy. The
record of performance of the State
Government is big zero, that's if you
overlook his usual brave, war-like talk
on Pakistan every time he opens his
mouth. He is a past master in playing to
the Indian gallery and luckily for him
there is no one in New Delhi to rein him
in. On the other hand every effort is
made to keep him in good cheer. The thing
that worries me more about the Valley is
how the non-National Conference
leadership is willing to bite the
Pakistani line hook, line and sinker.
Forget the sensible noises one or the
other separatist leader makes from time
to time but, in the main, all of them are
willing to join the Pakistani war cry
accusing Indian Army of being a barbarian
force. Even minor incidents are blown out
of proportion. When soliders or someone
from the security personnel gets killed
by the terrorists that becomes an
occasion for celebration but the mood
suddenly becomes sombre and resentful
when a terrorist is killed in combat. And
the human rightists are never the ones to
miss out on such occasions.
If known
terrorists choose to convert a mosque
into a hide-out to battle it out with the
security forces that's acceptable but if
the terrorists get killed (even without
damaging their-so-called safe haven) it
becomes a sacrilege, disecration. And
this is high voltage incendiary stuff,
raising religious passions to high pitch.
To make matters worse you have a man like
Chaman Lal Gupta in Jammu who complements
the bigot's role in Jammu. He loses no
opportunity to widen the communal divide
between Jammu and Srinagar. Which is
perhaps the right thing for Gupta, the
BJP man, to do if he sees political
advantage for his party in it, but as a
Minister in the Union Government he
should learn where to draw a line.
To give
the devil his due, it's likely that it is
the survival instinct of the political
animal called Gupta that forces him to
take extreme positions but can't he be
more discreet. He should take a lesson in
this regard from his colleague from
Srinagar, the young Omar Abdullah,
currently the junior Minister for
External Affairs.
The
question though remains where exactly
does New Delhi stand on Kashmir. Mr
Vajpayee's cup of woes is full even
otherwise; he need not add to his
problems by harping on peace talks when
the other side is showing no signs of
restraining the jihadis in Pakistan and
those operating in Jammu and Kashmir. If
securing peace is the Prime Minister's
objective he must tell the Pakistani
military ruler that there is no point in
their playing cat-and-mouse. Oneupmanship
is something both can do but that will
not lead Vajpayee to peace.
Simultaneously,
Mr L K Advani should come out with more
specific plans to counter the mounting
pace of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir.
The man who promised a pro-active
response to the terrorists must realise
that there has been no let up in the
influx of jihadis into the State. Hot
pursuit may not be the most logical way
to fight the meance but the Home Minister
must ensure that mere repetition of
phrases like "strong action" is
not the answer to beat the terrorists.
Let him openly tell Pakistan that Indian
Security Forces will use all the force at
their disposal to meet the terrorist
challenge and that he is ready to suffer
the consequences if in the fall-out some
civilians, both in Jammu and in the
Valley, are hurt. If Gen Musharraf is
intent on keeping up the proxy war, Mr
advani must see to it that the exercise
becomes equally expensive for the
General. The dichotomy between the
Vajpayee and Advani approaches must be
ended and a middle path found.
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Funny
is Agni, funnier is Dalai
Man and Matters
From B L
Kak
Agni?
No, not the Agni missile Indian
scientists have successfully produced.
Agni is none other than the
high-profile convenor of Panun Kashmir
outfit, Dr Agnishekhar. Three factors
are, apparently, responsible for Dr
Agnishekhar's follow-me style.
First in
spite of the existence of more than one
outfit of the displaced Kashmiri Pandits,
Dr Agnishekhar, though having become
somewhat controversial in recent months,
does not face a serious challenge from
other leaders of his community. Second,
his warm flirtation's with the
influential section of the Sangh Parivar,
including the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP), seem to have created in him
"I am-not-an-ordinary-person"
feeling. Third, his unpublished visits to
and interaction with a set of Indian
intelligence personnel have also led to
his superiority complex.
It
requires to be mentioned that one has to
pass through Gate numebr 7 of Delhi's
North Block to get into touch with these
intelligence officials. And Dr
Agnishekhar is fully aware of the route
and the location of the offices of his
friends in the Intelligence
Bureau. Some other Pandit activists,
too,have also passed through Gate number
7 umpteen times in recent times
yes, not without purpose, according to a
set of official documents.
The Prime
Minister, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, and
some of his Ministerial colleagues,
particularly Mr L K Advani, Mr Jagmohan,
Ms Sushma Swaraj and Mr Pramod Mahajan,
as well as Mr Brajesh Mishra, Principal
Secretary to the Prime Minister haven't
hitherto refuted or questioned Dr
Agnishekhar's claim that Panun Kashmir
organisation is the principal
representative body of the displaced
members of the Pandit community.
And chiefs
of the RAW, IB and Border Security Force
(BSF) and Union Home Secretary, too,
haven't brushed aside Dr Agnishekhar's
contribution and commitment to keeping
alive the outfit as part of the bigger
game to ensure that in any scheme of
things vis-a-vis future administrative
and political arrangement in his
homeland, Kashmir, the Pandit community
were not ignored.
This,
however, does not suggest that Dr
Agnishekhar has been mandated to tell the
Prime Minister what he should and should
not do vis-a-vis Gen. Parvez Musharraf's
invitation to him to visit Pakistan. Mr
Brajesh Mishra emphasized that Mr Atal
Behari Vajpayee possessed the capacity
and capability to draw up his agenda and
he did not require outsiders
an obvious reference to Dr
Agnishekhar to educate him on
merits and demerits of his proposed visit
to Islamabad.
The Prime
Minister, it was officially stated,
cannot be expected to oblige Dr
Agnishekhar by calling off the proposed
visit to Pakistan. The Prime Minister,
while ignoring Dr Agnishekhar's
suggestion, also wanted, at the same
time, to brush aside the Dalai Lama's
"irrelevant" observation
equating the conditions in Kashmir with
Tibet. The Dalai Lama, though continuing
to be the spiritual leader of Tibetans,
is a refugee with no mandate or right to
speak on behalf of the people of Kashmir.
He may
raise a hue and cry for grant of genuine
self-rule by China to the people of
Tibet. But he has no business to
interfere in the internal affairs of
Jammu and Kashmir. Known for his
effective network in various foreign
countries particularly the USA the
Tibetan pontiff obviously wanted to sell
someone's idea on Kashmir's new set-up.
Whose idea was it when the Dalai Lama,
while inaugurating the South Asia
Peace Conference at Chennai,
capital city of Tamil Nadu, wanted India
and Pakistan to consider the right
to self-rule as a means for
resolving the Kashmir imbroglio?
By the
time the Chennai function was over, a
message was conveyed to the Tibetan
pontiff urging him to avoid dabbing in
the internal affairs of Kashmir in
future. The message, indeed, let it be
known that he has no right to call for
any kind of self-rule or the
inclusion of Kashmiris in India-Pakistan
talks. The two leaders of Kashmir's
All-Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC), Mr
Abdul Ghani Lone and Mr Omar Farooq, who
also attended the Chennai function,
appeared to have played the trick during
their cordial talks with the
Dalai Lama.
In the
process, two developments took place.
First, the Dalai stirred a hornet's nest
by highlighting the need for grant of
self-rule to Kashmir. Second,
Mr Omar Farooq, while praising the Dalai
Lama's sacrifices and contribution,
demonstrated a bit of stupidity as he
wanted the Tibetan pontiff to use his
spiritual powers to relieve the Kashmiris
of their sufferings. Mr Omar Farooq
requires to be told that even as the vast
numbers of Tibetans regard the Dalai as
their spritual leader, he is not a
super-man, not a miracle-man at all.
Whey do Mr
Omar Farooq and like-minded Kashmiri
activists try to divert the attention
from the main issue, namely, Pakistan's
unwillingness to stop cross-border
terrorism and violence and vandalism in
Jammu and Kashmir that have multiplied
the Kashmiris' miseries? Clearly, the
Dalai Lama has no role to play in
Kashmir.
He is, it
can be safely said, simply a
politico-religious leader wielding lot of
clout as the head of the Tibetan
Government-in-exile at Dharamsala in
Himachal Pradesh.The Dalai Lama also
reqires to be told that his call for any
kind of self-rule in Kashmir
won't be acceptable to powers-that-be in
New Delhi and Srinagar, if one were to
take into account the basic fact of
history, namely, existence of popular
Governments in J&K since its to India
its accession to India in 1947.
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No
war pact sans proxy war
By : Maj Gen V K Madhok
(retired)
On the face of it
a No War Pact (NWP) between India and Pakistan
seems to be just the right thing to usher in
peace between the two hostile neighbours. In
fact, it was India which first mooted the idea of
a NWP in Aug 1949. The offer was renewed in 1965,
1968, 1972, 1977 and finally in Feb 1980. These
offers were rejected by Islamabad as it wanted to
keep its options open. And now it is Gen
Musharraf who has offered a NWP (not to include
militants, activities) on the eve of Indo-Pak
summit which would close India's options.
Without cessation
of support to nearly 28 Jihadi Groups operating
in Kashmir from bases in Pakistan the offer of a
NWP is not only a Red Herring but a clever move
to gain international approbation and to keep
Pakistan's options open provided India signs it.
But from New Delhi's point of view a NWP is
totally unimplementable in the changed security
environment.
But it suits
Pakistan: As Islamabad is afraid and cannot
afford to have another direct confrontation with
India, because if it loses it would be badly
split and totally wiped out with a ruined
economy. Therefore, it has rightly chosen proxy
war as an alternative tool to get at Kashmir. A
method which has not only kept New Delhi in a
tizzy but enabled Islamabad to maintain
diplomatic relations wherein its artists,
journalists and businessmen can visit India and
yet over six lac or so Indian security forces
have been kept busy round the clock in J&K.
Thus making a big hole in India's defence budget.
Thus, a NWP will further ensure Pakistan's
security, keep its options open while India's
options will be closed for good so far as any
military action to take back PoK or even to
eliminate militant the proxy war in J&K
besides organising another one in India's
northeast. For which its ISI is already engaged
in making hectic efforts to bring together
various secessionist movement s who are fighting
for independence or to extend the boundaries of
their states.
But a NWP is
viable provided both neighbours agree to maintain
an arms register showing the current and future
status of their arms and military hardware
including contemplated imports from their
suppliers, which is open for inspection.
Provided, they agree to designate inescapable
force levels and nuclear weapons which are
required as minimum deterrence against each
other. Provided, they agree to hold a plebiscite
in J&K according to UN resolutions which
stipulate withdrawal of Pakistan's forces from
occupied areas-as a first requisite, before
conducting a referendum. Provided, they set up
monitoring mechanisms to visit each others arms
and missile production factories, stop the
ongoing secret wars by ISI and RAW, let their
military officers attend mutual training courses
and agree to eliminate militant bases across the
LoC. It is only when both sides agree to these
and other measures that effective steps would
have been taken towards exploring the possibility
of signing a NWP.
A NWP as such is a
pipe dream. Today, there is tremendous hatred in
Pakistan against India. The entire Nation is
seized with a frenzy to get Kashmir whatever the
cost. It will be difficult to assuage this
frenetic state built over a period with
propaganda. Further, India has no option but to
maintain a credible, conventional and nuclear
posture against China which can be
misinterpretted. As India would be fully
justified to refuse any inspection or monitoring
of this posture. Concurrently, Musharraf cannot
vouche for Talibans, their future intentions to
participate in Jihad in Kashmir or for that
matter other Fundamentalist activities from
Afghanistan against India.
Most important, a
NWP can be usurped by a new aggressive government
in India or another military coup in Pakistan. It
will therefore be dismal imagination even to talk
of a NWP. Because it suits Pakistan, closes
India's options and would increase Indian Army's
commitments against the proxy war.
In the past, both
countries have agreed to enforce nearly half a
dozen Confidence Building Measures (CBM). These
include : Not to attack each other's designated
nuclear establishments lists of which have been
exchanged and are periodically reviewed,
establishment of a Hot line between Army
headquarters (DGMOS) of both countries,
arrangements for giving advance notice regarding
military excercises to avoid misunderstanding and
before conducting missile tests, and stoppage of
air violations.
In addition to
above, think tanks and analysts have proposed
other CBMs to include the possibility of
demilitarising of the LoC which will ease
interaction between those families which are
split and are living on both sides of the border.
Also, to revive the draft agreement on Siachen
Glacier for reduction of troops, setting up of a
joint working group for checking terrorism and
institutional arrangements to check violations on
the LoC.
The bottom line is
that in the final analysis, in the current
scenario of hostility and distrust a NWP is a
distant dream. A very large number of CBMs would
have to be taken to remove the existing hatred
before we can think of signing a NWP.
|
The
idea of Indian nationalism
Yours Randomly
By Dr. R L Bhat
It may be a cliche
and a worn out one at that, but man is a social
animal. Human instinct for gregariousness is what
indeed has set the saga of civilization rolling.
How did the first humans get to stick together?
It could have been the instinctual imperative of
food, sex and protection. Probably, it was a
combination of all the three. But alongside these
there was the perception that grouping combined
the advantages of all with a bonus of its own
which made life easier and significant in a
strangely un-animalistic way. That gave the
defenseless biped a rousing advantage over the
other millions of species. That is social
contract in its barest. Over the next thousands
of years this bonus was defined and re-defined in
a number of ways. Possibly, the protective
advantage was first realized. Thence emerged the
concept of political unity, the cohesion of
kingships. People under one polity, one king,
were 'one'.
Later, the social
practice appears to have taken the upper hand in
the reckoning. People were identified by the
viture of their creeds, customs and practices.
Codified, this become religion and all around the
ancient and most of the medieval times we see the
creed and polity, religion and kingships,
battling for the pivotal position of social
definition. Sometimes it is the kingships, around
which the human grouping is getting defined;
sometimes it is the religion. Roman empire even
in its later Christian color put polity at its
base. Islamic Khilafat was primarily a religious
preoccupation, enhanced and enforced with the
temporal power. Indeed, the later medieval ages
saw the religion and polity combined to the
extent that even in the non-Muslim societies the
king and the religious head were inseparable.
Thus while the
earlier all-inclusive concept of full temporal
authority residing in the Khalifa in the Muslim
world of early medieval times, gave way to
disparate kings all imbused with the religious
zeal, in Europe a reversal of sorts saw that the
disparate kingships came under increasing
influence of a single Church. The English
Protestantism, the French, Prussic, Italian
Catholicism and the internecine warring groups in
the Persio-Arabic milieu all represent a mixing
of religion and polity as the description of
social alignment. Nationalism was still an
incipient formulation. Then came renaissance. It
defined social contract in terms of local,
cultural and linguistic uniformities. Over the
next three hundred years the concept of
nationalism gained acceptance all over the globe,
not the least because it appeared a very rational
definition of social configuration in the age of
reason that followed.
Geographical
contiguity, cultural empathy and linguistic
homogeneity came through as apt parameters for
defining the social affinities. Depending upon
their experience, nations promoted restrictive or
wide-angle descriptions of nationalism. While the
majority of 'nations' say in Africa tended to be
restrictive, the ones in Asia adopted the
wide-reaching views. Indian nationalism had a
strong historical as well as cultural basis and
though a plethora of languages would have split
this identity, their common origin in Sanskrit as
also their close intercourse glued the gaps
together to yield a composite concept of Indian
nationalism. Indeed, the idea so captivated the
masses of the subcontinent that the British found
nothing to counter it. The empire finally
surrendered to this surge of nationalism.
During the last
years of freedom struggle the Indian nationalism
can be said to have reached its pinnacle. It
defined approaches, attitudes, goals and even
destinies. The whole subcontinent then was welded
into one nation that none could defeat. But it
could be subverted. The primal subversion came
from Sri Syed and his later day heir Jinnah. One
fostered the idea of Islam as an entity and the
other pulled it far apart to found a whole
'nationalism' upon it. That was the first blow
given to the surging nationhood. It rejected all
the reasoned factors of culture, geography and
language and resurrected the medieval construct
of religion as the basis of nationalism. The
surprising thing was that there were many takers
for the idea who finally succeeded in carving out
a part of the Indian nation. After fifty years of
floundering upon that anachronism, that
nationalism is still embarked upon its bogey. And
is ridiculing the Indian ethos with its
compulsive obsession.
The fathers of
freedom struggle who saw one group rejecting the
nationalist thesis should have confronted this
idea with its truth, but chose to paper it over.
The basis for that was laid early in the Lucknow
pact of 1916. That papering continued through the
forties and fifties. It was a last ditch effort
to stitch up the torn fabric of nationalism. But
once the idea had been forced upon them with the
partition, they should have taken a reality check
of those convictions of theirs. Instead of
realizing, that their concept of nationalism had
been truncated by the reality of Pakistan, they
'rejected' the idea of religious-nationalism. The
papering-over had become a national philosophy.
And so it has continued over all the succeeding
decades of the last century. The post
independence polity has just not escaped the
consequences of that silent acceptance and verbal
rejection. Communalisation of polity, the
religio-political doublespeak, the contradiction
of unilateral, unreciprocated secularism.... all,
are children of this ideological muddle. Here is
the birth 370 and Autonomy. And, much of the
Kashmir problem.
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