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EDITORIAL

Don't hide anything

Even as Kargil Victory Diwas was celebrated by the nation comes the news that some peaks still remain under the occupation of Pakistan. Point 5353 is the most contentious one in that it oversees National Highway-1 very clearly and to that extent can choke the life-line to Leh/Siachin. Some vague explanations have been given by the top brass based on the theme that this particular peak is exactly on the Line of Control. It has also been stated that under the .....more

Sops for SSI units

Prime Minister has announced large number of incentives for the small scale industry. This has been done to help them compete with the after-effects of globalisation of economy and concerns that stem out of WTO regime. It may be mentioned that items hitherto reserved for small scale sector have also been thrown open and this process is going to be completed by next year end. This obviously exposes....more

Pak role in proxy war

By Anil Sharma
Nostradamus, as is well known, had predicted that any future world war would certainly have religion as a major player. It..
more

Bus Dynasty vs Gore,
the bore!

By S. K. Singh
It has been convention time in the US during the past fortnight, and anyone wanting to know...
more

Tug of war on fiscal transfers

By S. V. Vaidyanathan
The mismatch between the financing needs and finances that the states can raise at their end .....
.more

Pak nationalities
demand autonomy

By K N Pandita

While Pakistan CE, General Musharraf wants New Delhi to talk on bilateral issues, his super intelligence agency ISI is........
.more

EDITORIAL

Don't hide anything

Even as Kargil Victory Diwas was celebrated by the nation comes the news that some peaks still remain under the occupation of Pakistan. Point 5353 is the most contentious one in that it oversees National Highway-1 very clearly and to that extent can choke the life-line to Leh/Siachin. Some vague explanations have been given by the top brass based on the theme that this particular peak is exactly on the Line of Control. It has also been stated that under the Shimla accord whence authentic maps were drawn to indicate the LoC as discernible from erstwhile Ceasefire Line, both countries had agreed not to physically occupy Point 5353. Again, it is sought to be conveyed that this peak can hardly oversee a few hundred yards of the NH-1 and that adequate care has been taken to watch the activities from peaks under Indian control. Now comes the allegation levelled by Rajya Sabha MP R K Anand that besides Point 5353 there are at least five more heights this side of LoC but occupied by Pak troops.

From the above it is evident that there is something fishy and highly misleading. Based on such inputs from the field commanders, political hierarchy has made tall claims of having regained control of entire area this side of LoC and that not an inch will ever be surrendered to the enemy. It is certain that ruling clan depends upon such inputs from the army. At this stage many vital questions crop up which needs to be explained to the nation. If there is nothing to hide, there is no justification for playing hide-n-seek game. It is quite embarassing for the Government, for the armed forces and for the one billion plus of this great nation. The questions that need clear-cut answers without any ambiguity can be summed up thus. First, authentic position of Point 5353 and five other heights as per the maps drawn and duly signed by both Indian and Pak Generals as per requirements of Shimla accord should be revealed. Independent observers are at pains to say that this strategic peak is at least 300 to 500 yards this side of LoC. In support thereof they have mentioned the name of the officer under whose leadership attack was launched to regain control of this peak. Unfortunately, it now transpires that our effort failed and Pak forces succeeded in repulsing the attack. If it was exactly on LoC there was no need to go for such attack. If it is this side then sustained efforts for its recovery should have been maintained. After all we lost 516 valiant jawans for regaining control of Kargil this side of LoC. At best it would have caused some more casualties but saved the nation of acute humiliation to which it is exposed now. Second question is who lied to whom and why correct information was held back from the people, from the parliament and from Subramaniam Committee which enquired into Kargil fiasco. Is there any mention of Point 5353 in the committee report being still under the occupation of Pakistan ? If yes, the nation should be told as such. If not, why not ? After all Subramaniam Committee dealt with the entire situation leading to Kargil war and ultimate eviction of intruders. This is no kid-play but warfare. The nation is going celebrate Kargil Victory Day every year. The victory remains incomplete as long as correct position is not revealed to the nation.

Third question relates to dubious explanation being given by the Defence Ministry that Point 5353 was never with India either before or after ‘Operation Vijay’. This is bad enough and a vague attempt to give short shrift to the factual position. In fact under the Shimla Accord of 1972 this and other features were not to be physically occupied by either side. The fact is Pakistani army occupied not only 5353 but all strategic heights in Kargil-Drass sectors in clear violation of Shimla Accord. It was thus mandatory and obligatory to regain control of this height as well. Those who give statements to legitimise Pak continued occupation of this strategic height have no place to be where they are presently, be it the political or the military top brass. The nation has been misinformed and misled.

Third question is whether political hierarchy was told the whole truth by the army regarding eviction of intruders from all areas this side of LoC or whether this was indeed told to them but political leadership thought it expedient to sit over this vital input. Unless this is clarified blame cannot be apportioned. Further, how comes that this information gets leaked out from the disciplined force like the Indian army after more than one year of Kargil operations. It is certain that someone involved in the actual operations and having full inside details has thought it expedient to ‘settle scores’ by causing acute embarassment to the seniors. It seems there is overt and covert attempt to hide the facts from the nation which is tantamount to betrayal in that entire one billion population of this country backed up the valiant jawans and the ruling clan to the hilt. They thus have every right to know the truth without ambiguities. It is all there in the maps annexed to the Shimla Accord and duly signed by Generals from either side. The nation was told that LoC is well defined to the minutest details and that there is no room for any ambiguity or vagueness. The last question is an open question asto what the Government intends to do to regain control of this peak together with other five heights mentioned by R K Anand or will it be treated as ‘extension of this area this side of LoC also part of PoK’ ? This is a very vital question and Government will be well advised not to hide anything and come clean on it.

Sops for SSI units

Prime Minister has announced large number of incentives for the small scale industry. This has been done to help them compete with the after-effects of globalisation of economy and concerns that stem out of WTO regime. It may be mentioned that items hitherto reserved for small scale sector have also been thrown open and this process is going to be completed by next year end. This obviously exposes SSIs to competition for which they are not equipped yet. True, Government can adopt means like imposing maximum tariff permissible under WTO and take other steps to bail out SSIs. But Government shows clear preference for putting SSIs on even keel to compete their way up. It is in this light that several incentives have been announced. Salient features of the package are raising excise duty exemption limit from 50 lakh to Rs. 1 crore. Special capital subsidy of 12% is announced for investment in technology in select sectors. These sectors are yet to be defined for which inter-ministerial committee is being appointed. A fresh census of all SSIs is mooted to enquire into the incidence of sickness and its causes. Government has announced continued grant of Rs. 75 thousand to units going in for ISO-9000 certification. This is meant to ensure that SSIs become more quality conscious. Rs. 447 crore scheme for handloom sector is to be implemented jointly by the State and Central Governments. Since this is employment-oriented sector Government wants it to develop further both quantitatively and qualitatively. To curb the evil infulence of inspectors and other fiddlers, it is intended to create a group of experts which would give its recommendations in three months as regard streamlining of the inspection system in vogue. This will root out at least one source of corruption. Limit of composite loan has been raised from Rs. 10 lakh to Rs. 25 lakh. It will now be possible to obtain working capital and term loans from the same agency. Lastly, credit guarantee scheme for the small entrepreneurs with corpus fund of Rs. 125 crore is announced so that credit is not denied to bonafide and genuine entrepreneurs by the financial institutions on flimsy grounds like credit-worthiness of the party. These steps would give tremendous boost to SSI sector.

Pak role in proxy war

By Anil Sharma

Nostradamus, as is well known, had predicted that any future world war would certainly have religion as a major player. It does not require a Nostradamus to make such predictions today. Any one with eyes and ears open to the world situation would make a similar forecast. The root cause of this is the growing tendency to misuse religion as a tool for acquiring power and a symbol of this is the perpetuated violence in various part of the world in the name of religion.

Pak has made unsuccessful attempts to annex Kashmir. Realising that direct confrontation with India will be futile she, since 1989, has been waging a proxy war against India with religion as a major factor in indoctrinating the gullible youths in the mushrooming "Madrassas". They preach certain aspects of Islamism in such a distorted and disjointed manner that it disorients, confuses and paints a false impression in the young and impressionable mind of the innocent youths to lead them to a path of violence.

In a recent interview, Chief Executive of Pakistan, General Parvez Musharraf has as always defended the terrorist groups such as Harkat-ul-Mujahideen. The New York Times Magazine has quoted him "These people are not terrorists (read Mujahideens), they are fighting a Jehad". During a press briefing in Pakistan, telecast on PTV, in reply to a question, the General has stated "Hatred exists between the people of Pakistan and India towards each other." It is a deliberately nurtured hatred, which is alien to the feelings of the common people.

Pak ISI after witnessing the declining interest of local Muslims on religious lines gave the name tag of "Jehad" to the proxy war to misguide the innocent Kashmiris as well as foreign mercenaries. The sons of the soil were abducted, taken across, indoctrinated, trained and were re-inducted to kill their own people. Are your own people, the evil spirit which you fight in the name of Jehad?

The political game plan of Pak has been to keep the Kashmir issue alive so as to divert the attention of its own people from the internal problems which has resulted due to bad corrupt governance. The Kashmiris have understood this game plan. Having failed in their plan to turn the innocent Kashmiris against the Government, the Pak ISI has recruited foreign mercenaries to spread a regime of loot, plunder and atrocities.

What are these mercenaries or so-called Mehman Mujahideens? What do they want? Most of them are hardened criminals who have been convicted in their country, lured by hefty amounts of money and Kashmiri women have set their "Naapak Kadam" on our soil. Can a band of slaughterers and rapists be called holy warriors? The so-called Mujahideens have killed half a million Muslims in Afghanistan and their present target seems to be the Muslims of J&K who according to them are meek and leaderless. Through mass killings and religious propaganda, they are attempting to provoke another bloodbath by performing acts of savagery.

The proxy war, sponsored and launched by Pak against India, is being led by a band of people who actually are criminals and convicts of foreign soil. These foreign mercenaries who are propagating that they are trying to bring about peace, prosperity and drive away Indians in Kashmir need to be asked, weren't we happy, prosperous and lived in co-existence before? The entire world enjoyed the hospitality of our people in the Valley. The tourists were spell bound by the beauty and the serene atmosphere of our land. It was always said "If there is a heaven on earth it is here, in Kashmir". We have lived together peacefully for ages. The serenity, tranquility, peace, brotherhood has been brought to a nadir by these socalled Mujahideens, who to extract their pound of flesh and abide by the orders of their pay master, Pak ISI, can stoop to any level.

There are numerous instances which clearly show how much they have stooped low and do not deserve to be called human beings.

Mohd Ayub Ahmed S/o Farooq Ahmed, resident of Kither was told by terrorists to join them. When he refused, his father, mother and brother were killed by these so called Mujahideens in broad day light in front of the villagers. In another incident, Talib Hussain S/o Sanroula Wani, resident of Tlenkal and Mohd Hanif son of Rasool Sheikh R/o Jaura Khurd were ordered by the terrorist to provide ration and money. On non compliance, their houses were burnt.

A group of terrorist, on 13 Apr 2000, attacked the house of Manso Gujjar and at gun point tried to outrage the modesty of his daughter, Reshma Bano. Due to stiff resistance offered by the parents and the girl herself, the terrorists got infuriated and opened fire on the inmates of the house from a very short range, killing three family members on the spot. After this heinous crime the terrorist then disappeared in the thick forest.

Over the the last fifty years, starting with 1947-48 when they sent in tribesmen from the Northwest Frontier Province and beyond into Kashmir, Pakistan has been following the same line of action. The story has not changed much, with infiltrators coming into Kashmir in 1965 and of late into Kargil. While Prime Minister A B Vajpayee was being hugged in a public function at Lahore, the regular army infiltrators were being pushed in across the Line of Control. They captured peaks in Indian territory, built bunkers and were tasked to launch a full-fledged offensive against India. Such duplicity and treachery are hard to come across anywhere else. The answer given by the gallant Indian troops have broken their back. Pakistan has always promoted gun culture and it is this culture which has overthrown democracy in that country.

The failure of misadventure like Kargil has shifted focus of the foreign mercenaries, to spreading regime of terror against Muslims of J&K so that they abide by their diktates and those who do not, are killed mercilessly. The endless atrocities against the devote Muslims of J&K is on the rise, as they are branded cowards for upholding the true teachings of Islam. What can one do to put a stop to the endless tears that are being shed by those family members, whose able bodied children have been forcibly taken across the border? What can be done to explain the death of innocents in IED blasts in a crowded bazaar, railway station, bus stand, on roads? What should one call a country which uses so-called mujahids as cannon fodder for the execution of their vile designs? How should one console the families of those soldiers who are giving their life to defend the sovereignty of the Nation by battling against odds? The cease fire is the first tentative foot forward which one hopes will lead to the local youths and leadership to reject this brand of so called "Jehad" from completely destroying a way of life, which was proudly extolled as 'Kashmiriyat'.

It is now the correct time to drive away the Pak ISI sponsored foreign mercenaries who have tried to transform this heaven on earth into a smoldering hell. It is now time to pledge that Sulaiman and Raziya do not become another Ayub and Reshma.

Bus Dynasty vs Gore, the bore!

By S. K. Singh

It has been convention time in the US during the past fortnight, and anyone wanting to know the meaning of the word `over-kill' ought to have been here. An American presidential election, held once in four years, is a very long, noisy and expensive affair. It begins at the start of the year with the primaries, a peculiarly American phenomenon that requires aspirants from each of the two major parties to seek support at the local and state levels. Given the size of US, three times that of India, this drags on for months.

Thus, only in August does the electoral process reach its crescendo in the form of national conventions of the rival parties at which each of the two chooses its claimant to the presidency. Voting, of course, takes place only in November, and the installation of the new president not until the following January.

Time was when the choice was actually made at the convention. Or, more accurately, in those famous smoke-filled rooms where party bosses and power-brokers met to do their wheeling and dealing. Often, there was suspense until the very last minute, and there have been instances of the candidate being chosen after several ballots. But that is history. For quite a long time, as in the case of George W. Bush for the Republicans and vice-president Al Gore for the Democrats now, the choice has been crystal clear, well in advance.

No wonder then that the conventions had become a mere ritual and had turned into carnivals or tamashas. And yet the razzmatazz surrounding them, instead of abating, had steadily increased. Each convention, this time the Republicans met first at Philadelphia and the Democrats at Los Angeles, still lasts nearly a week. Inevitably, instead of serious business, there is a plethora of gimmickry, theatrics, publicity stunts and, above all, ceaseless and overblown rhetoric that benumbs the mind.

You can surely stay away from the conventions. But what could you do, especially if you are a working journalist, when the media gave you not the slightest room for escape from them or their fallout. Live TV coverages of the meets went on for hours on end. Switching channels was no great help either. The print media exceeded even the electronic one in inflicting a gargantuan coverage on the reader.

What does this Niagara of words, in cold print or warm ether, amount to? At present, Bush continues to have a clear edge over Gore. The latest opinion poll, conducted before the meets, and well before Gore presented himself in the best possible light at Los Angeles, put the Republican nominee ahead by 17 points. But such things can change. In the 1988 pools, that sent George Bush Sr to the White House, defeated Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis had a 17 point lead at one stage.

However, Bush Jr's advantage could prove to be more enduring for three reasons. First, his is a more attractive than Gore's who, despite his undoubted ability and experience, comes through as boring and stiff, in the words of his own campaign manager. Secondly, there is very little difference between the Republican and Democratic programmes. In fact, as in Britain, Tony Blair won by stealing the clothes of the Conservatives, Bush Jr flattered Clinton by imitation. He quietly adopted as his own Bill's economic and social policies.

The third reason is the most important and, in the end, could be Gore's undoing. Moreover, there is an overpowering shadow of Clinton over the Democratic Party and the very country. At Los Angeles, the veep strove hard to get over this shattering disability. He declared his independence of his boss by declaring: `We are electing a new president, and I stand before you as my own man'. His style in disassociating himself from what are called Clinton's `unethical ways' was necessarily subtle, but it was also unmistakable. `I will work for you everyday,' he said, and `I will never let you down'. This surely is not half as effective as Bush Jr's almost daily declaration: `I will restore the dignity of the Oval Office'.

However, at the end of the Democratic convention the conclusion of objective observers was strikingly unanimous. Clinton, who had spoken at the convention two days before Gore arrived, as is the custom, had stolen the show and mesmerized the meets. In the words of eminent columnist Mary McGrory, `Gore's performance, after Clinton's virtuosity, was like having an arthritis patient running on a track recently traversed by an Olympic champ.

Ironically, Gore will have difficulty in distancing himself from Clinton beyond a point. For one, his main sales pitch a point. For one, his main sales pitch is the prosperity and the unprecedented budget surplus achieved during the Clinton era about which Gore is claiming and getting full credit. For another, Gore is not yet able to live down his sycophantic remark, on the day the failed impeachment bid in the Senate, that `Clinton is the greatest president we have ever had'. There is a further twist to the tale. If Clinton dominates the show, can Monica Lewinsky be far behind? Hours before Gore stood up to speak, the news broke that a new Federal grand jury had been empanelled, `to determine as to Clinton could be tried for obstructing justice' in the Lewinsky affair after he demits office. Infuriated Democrats shouted that the calculated leak was a typical Republican trick. The White House joined the chorus of protest. The next day it was the turn of the Democrats to be embarrassed. A Carter-appointed Democratic judge, who monitors such grand juries, admitted that he had `inadvertently' let out the word.

Incidentally, one of the few issues that do figure in the poll debate is that the new president will appoint at least four of the nine Supreme Court judges and no fewer than 100 Federal judges. Democrats say Republicans would pack the court with conservatives, with deleterious effect on such issues of social concern as abortion, education and healthcare. Republicans retort some of the most liberal judgements were given by judges appointed by them.

India and America have a lot in common. Another shared feature by them now is dynastic politics. The rise of the Bush dynasty is the topical talk across the US. But it has produced nothing like the acrimony back home over Sonia Gandhi's inheritance of the dynastic legacy. The Yankees are used to dynasties from the three generations of Adams in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to the Kennedy clan.

More excitement has been caused by Gore's choice of Joseph Lieberman as his running mate. He is the first Jew to be on the presidential ticket. He is known also for his trenchant critic of Clinton over the Lewinsky affair and dubious fund collections. But this is cutting both ways. It has pushed up Gore's stock with the middle class. But the liberal Democratics are appalled by Lieberman's conservative record. The African Americans, traditionally a vote bank for the Democrats, are alienated because of his opposition in the past to affirmative action. INAV

Tug of war on fiscal transfers

By S. V. Vaidyanathan

The mismatch between the financing needs and finances that the states can raise at their end necessitates some arrangement for transfer of some part of the tax proceeds collected by the Centre to the states. This mismatch is a consequence of the allocation of fewer tax bases to the states than warranted by the financial needs of the states in carrying out their constitutional duties. The extant allocation of tax-bases between the Centre and states is basically justified on considerations of fiscal efficiency.

It must be, however, conceded that revenues from income tax and Central excise would have been lower than the present level if they were to be levied and collected at source levels. Besides, the leakages emanating from tax administration, the competitive reductions and exemptions would have certainly contributed to lower revenue earnings.

Following the traditions of other federal states, the founding fathers of our Republic provided for fiscal transfers to states from the Centre on the basis of recommendations of finance commissions. Curiously, while the Constitution makes the appointment of the finance commissions to recommend the extent of devolution and distribution of divisible pool and grants under Article 275 mandatory, these recommendations are, however, not binding on the Centre. Another curious element is while the finance commissions should be guided by the Constitutional provisions, they have turned accomplices in the practice of Centre laying down the terms of reference for them. This practice was not frowned upon by even ex-judges serving on the commissions.

It is not clear whether the Centre expects the commission to spare its suggestions with the finance ministry before formally submitting the report to the President. Whatever may be the truth, the Centre was never found to reject these recommendations outright during the past 50-year. This is despite the fact that there was no explicit provision in the Constitution which makes it binding on the Centre.

Following the well-established tradition, the Centre accepted the recommendations of the Eleventh Finance Commission (EFC) while tabling it in the Parliament last month.

Several states, irked by the recommendations of the EFC, raised their voice of protest. This is not really surprising in view of the fact that as many as 17 states perceive lower fiscal transfers to them than what they deem to be their due. Admittedly these protesting states are relatively developed ones with higher per capita incomes. Their relative success in controlling population growth has obviously contributed to some extent in enhancing their per capita incomes. A due credit also should be given to their developmental programmes.

It is not surprising if these states feel unhappy about the fact that they are being penalised for their relative success. Their unhappiness is further compounded by the apprehension that the size of their Annual Plans would also be pruned accordingly. It was in this backdrop some of the chief ministers met in the Capital on 21 August to voice their protests against the EFC recommendations as also to submit a memorandum to the Prime Minister. The chief minister's memorandum of demands included: (1) Raising the devolution to 33.5 per cent from the proposed 29.5 per cent of national calamity grants; (2) Scrapping revenue deficits grants (3) Removing upper limit to over all transfers to states; (4) Creating a special fund to compensate the states adversely affected by the EFC award; and (5) Shifting the population base to 1981 and the income inequality base to 1991.

These demands constitute an emphatic rejection of all the EFC' recommendations, which have been already accepted by the Centre. However, it doesn't mean that the Centre cannot review some of them. For example, if the Centre can favourably view the demand for scrapping the ceiling on overall transfers which is pegged at 37.5 per cent. The only question is whether it can relax the ceiling liberally in view of its resolve to keep its fiscal deficits under control. But it cannot go to enhance devolution to 33.5 per cent so as to obviate the need for meeting revenue deficits of the states. In fact, it may not be advisable for the Centre to change the formula governing the allocation of funds from divisible pool at this stage, as it would arouse the ire of the less developed BIMARU states.

This, however, doesn't imply that the changes effected in the allocation formula is necessarily better than the one evolved by the previous commissions. Some of the changes effected by the EFC give rise to an impression whether the commission was aiming at a formula that justifies its selection of favoured states. For example, it is not clear why it has to reduce the weightage assigned to poverty from the already high 60 per cent if intends to reward these states for failing to restrain population growth by using the latest population figures to estimate per capita income figures.

In view of the above, there is certainly a need for redressing the imbalances in the allocation of funds by instituting incentive schemes so as to reward performance. From this angle, the protest by these states is timely as the EFC is yet to finalise its recommendations on the performance related grants. And hopefully, consequent to strong protests by these affected states, both the EFC as well as the Centre will be extra cautious in rewarding the performance.

As the ceiling of 37.5 per cent suggested for overall transfers is only indicative, the Centre is well-advised to relax this ceiling to some extent so as to increase the performance-related grants to the states.

After all, there is no sanctity to these arbitrarily fixed ceilings. As the above memorandum brought to the notice of the Prime Minister, these fiscal transfers in some years exceeded revenues of the Centre. But in view of the fiscal stringency experienced by the Centre, these transfers have declined in the recent years. But, at the same time, the financial position of states is far worse than that of the Centre, particularly after the pay revision in accordance with the recommendations of the Fifth Pay Commission. On this ground also, there is a need for hiking this proposed ceiling.

At the same time, the states should not continue to depend upon the hikes in the ceilings without exploiting its own tax bases such as the sales tax net. As the states have only limited tax bases, the Centre should expeditiously take steps to place `services tax' on the Concurrent List so as to allow the states to increase their own tax revenues. However, a long-term solution to this tug of war between the Centre and states regarding the financial transfer can be eased only by way of downsizing the governments. INAV

Pak nationalities demand autonomy

By K N Pandita

While Pakistan CE, General Musharraf wants New Delhi to talk on bilateral issues, his super intelligence agency ISI is constantly stepping up the strike power and tactics of its sponsored mercenaries in Kashmir. It is also tightening its grip on the dissident political leadership in the Valley and creating moles in civil administration.

The ISI mobilised pro-Pak Kashmiri lobbyists in the West and the US to dissuade the Hizbul Mujahideen field commanders from initiating talks with the Indian Government. Money and intimidation, both are used to achieve it.

Contradictory statements from Hizb echelons on both sides of the dividing line are clear indications that Kashmiri cadres of the organization may no more take the ISI promptings as irrefutable commandement. That is a serious embarrassment for the Pak super intelligence service. To worsen the matters, APHC and the Hizb leadership seem to be heading for a logjam. All this makes the Pakistani sleuths bite the dust.

Has the ISI grown bigger than its size ? Is the organisation buldgeoning into a monster that cannot be controlled by either the Pak civilian structure or its Army organization ? In asense the position is analogous to the rise of the Nazi power in Germany on the eve of the World War II.

At home, ISI has assigned no small a perfidious role to itself. Controlled by the Punjabi ethno-linguistic group, the organization relentlessly persues the policy of dominating all other Pakistani nationalities and minority groups through political manoeuvering, hegemony or through unabashed use of muscle power.

The worst brunt of ISI's unabated wrath is borne by the largest single minority of Pakistan, namely the 23 billion - strong Mohajirs. This mortified progeny of U.P. and Bihari Muslim founding fathers of Pakistani State was hounded out of Punjab in the aftermath of the partition. Later on, in urban Singh, including the commercial city of Karachi, the Punjabi rulers perpetrated atrocities on them, minimising their political reach, curtailing their access to corridors of power and impeding their economic stability. The ISI created the MQM Haqiqi as counterbalance to MQM Altaf Group. Thus a reign of terror was let loose in Karachi and urban Sindh and the notorious "Clean Up Operation" of 1991-92 was launched to cut the MQM short of its size.

The story of MQM's suffering and privation at the hands of ISI has been resounding in the halls and galleries of UN Human Rights Commission. It is a piquaint saga of treachery, perfidy, stabbing in the back, blackmail and acts of barbarity. Tons of material on the violation of human rights of Mohajirs has been distributed at the UNHRC. Over a hundred interventions from various NGOs have been made at the UNHRC against the treatment meted out to this largest ethnic minority in Pakistan.

After a few opposition parties signed up a reconciliation agenda and came by the side of MQM (now Muttahida Qaumi Movement), its political horizon is prominently coming in sigt. According to recent information, after a compromise between MQM and the Sindhi World Congress of M. Saeed group, leaders of Baloch and Pakhtoon nationalities have been engaged in coalition talks with Altaf Hussain in London.

In an exclusive interview to the correspondent of Sunday Pioneer in London, Altaf Hussain charged that ISI was answerable to none, not even to the Chief Executive. He said that besides the Mohajirs, the Shias and members of other sects like Ahmadis, Christians and Hindus were also the targets of this organization's repressive measures. He said that Air Marshal (retd) Asghar Khan, a top leader of Tehrik-e-Istiqlal filed a petition in the Pakistani Supreme Court against ISI's involvement in politics and distribution of funds of the national exchequer to politicians of Islami Jamhoori Ittehad Jamaat-e-Islami and others. The court has taken no action so far.

Altaf Hussain made the startling revelation that the deposed Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif, during one of his visits to London had told him that in Bangladesh the then Indian Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral and other members of the South Asian countries had cited the involvement and conspiracies of the ISI and consequent chaos in their States.

Commenting on Pakistan's political philosophy, Altaf Hussain said that, "two-nations theory had divided the Muslims of the subcontinent into three parts. The theory as presented before the partition could not bring the Muslims under one umbrella. The closure of Pakistan border for Indian Muslims in 1951, the genocide of the Mohajirs and the misery of stranded Pakistanis in Red Cross camps of Bangladesh for the past 30 years are a negation of the two-nation theory".

It will be reminded that more than three lakh Muslims of U.P. and Bihar, who had opted to move to Pakisan and landed themselves in the erstwhile East Pakistan, have ever since remained stranded there because Islamabad refused to accept them. Another instant of Pakistan's racist policy is the treatment meted out to Mohajir leaders in Sindh. Dr Farooq Sattar, the former Mayoir of Karachi and a very senior leader of MQM has been arrested on fabricated charges. He remained interns in Attock prison. Of the 12 prosecution witnesses produced against him, not a single witness has deposed against him. And yet the court has convicted him to 14 years of rigorous imprisonment. This one of the numerous cases of framed up charges. There is a plethora of evidence on extra-judicial killings, custodial deaths, deaths in fake encounters and other gross violation of human rights of the of the MQM activists recorded by many impartial human rights organizations including the Amnesty International, World Watch and the rest. Even the UN Human Rights Commission's Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial killings, Sir Nigel Rodley, submitted a bitterly critical report against Pakistan in regard to the violation of human rights of Mohajirs. The former British representative at the UNHRC, Madam Palley, too, had made specific reference to the repressive policy of Islamabad against the Mohajirs in her draft resolution, which though not adopted, nevertheless remains the UNHRC document.

There is a growing demand for autonomy by the three provinces, namely Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP. Baluch and Pakhtoon leadership, which is already in close mutual consultations, is reported to be in contact with MQM leadership for a joint front against the Punjabi domination and the military rule that deprives them of their rights and privileges. As such, the autonomy demand for all the three province is the major goal set before themselves by the unjustly marginalised nationalities in Pakistan. Islamabad is unlikely to concede autonomy because if that happens then the Punjabi junta loses its power and position and ISI become redundent for the people of that country.

 



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