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EDITORIAL Despite several meetings at official level, Planning Commission level and even Prime Minister's level, Centre has failed to release plan funds for the ongoing fiscal. Six months are already over. One begins to feel asto why things are deliberately delayed. There are some definite inhibitions as far as Centre is concerned even as State genuinely nurses some apprehensions on the intentions of the Centre. Nothing has been done to remove mutual suspicion. The net result is working season is almost over in Ladakh region while there is hardly a month more for Kashmir region and mountainous areas of Jammu region which become snowbound. This inter-alia means plan funds would go waste as the working months are almost over. Or it could be diverted to non-plan pursuits as has been the wont of this State......more As per available reports two districts in particular have been targeted by Pak-supported militants for subversive activities. After the Kargil fiasco and strict vigil being maintained by the security forces there, they have started to spread their tentacles to Leh district of Ladakh region. The objective is to create communal disharmony and almost riotous situation in the strategic....more |
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Rao was Congress
Sinner-in-Chief M J Akbar When is a powerful politician at his weakest? At that moment when he believes he is invulnerable. This happened to P V Narasimha Rao, the only Indian Prime Minister to be ......more By : D K Arora British Airways is adding three more flights to India from next month, thus taking the total number....more Horrors
of Autonomy-II From B L Kak The book that is Autonomy or Secession-Jammu and Kash-mir contains a sensational finding: More powers to J&K have resulted in the ....more Population
growth By Parul Mahajan There has been a rapid increase in the human population of the world, particularly in many of the Asian ......more |
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EDITORIAL Despite several meetings at official level, Planning Commission level and even Prime Minister's level, Centre has failed to release plan funds for the ongoing fiscal. Six months are already over. One begins to feel asto why things are deliberately delayed. There are some definite inhibitions as far as Centre is concerned even as State genuinely nurses some apprehensions on the intentions of the Centre. Nothing has been done to remove mutual suspicion. The net result is working season is almost over in Ladakh region while there is hardly a month more for Kashmir region and mountainous areas of Jammu region which become snowbound. This inter-alia means plan funds would go waste as the working months are almost over. Or it could be diverted to non-plan pursuits as has been the wont of this State. It is to be noted that Centre released Rs 400 crore as advance amount for the current year plan. This is against the proposals for Rs 2550 crore submitted to the Planning Commission. It is appropriate to mention that last year's plan size was about Rs 1760 crore. Even assuming current year's plan is marginally enhanced, still it cannot be less than Rs 2000 crore. During the first six months of the current year at least Rs 1000 crore should have been released to start the works in right earnest. It has simply not happened. Planning Commission do have some alibis for delay in release of funds. First, Eleventh Finance Commission report was submitted late. Size of Plan and release of funds are essentially based on EFC recommendations. Even after EFC report was received it was to be approved by the Government besides clearance from the Planning Commission. Some prosperous States have expressed anger over lop-sided treatment meted out to them. They have complained that well performing states have been punished while non-performing States have been rewarded. So Government also took time to sort out the things as the affected States mostly belonged to ruling NDA combine. Another excuse available with the Planning Commission is the diversion of last year's plan funds of Rs 1760 crore to non-plan expenditure. This remains the source of concern for the Planning Commission. It was precisely in this context that States, including J&K, were asked to sign MoU for spending the funds on projects for which these have been released. Release of current year's fund have also been made conditional to project specific use of last year's funds. It is here that Centre feels concerned. As regards apprehensions nursed by the State, these mostly stem from not giving the State its rightful due and whenever it is given it is too late. The State likes to be treated on different footing in as much as its needs are very special and substantially different from other States. These can be summed up thus. First, it is sensitive border State and to that extent it needs special treat. Second, it is backward State with treacherous and mountainous terrain which is inaccessible for 8 months in Ladakh and almost six months in Kashmir region and Doda district of Jammu region. This explains having only limited working months for taking up any project work. Third, there is overt and covert commitment to meet the State's non-plan expenditure as State's total resources are not sufficient to say even the monthly salary bill of the Government employees. This commitment continues to remain elusive despite requests by the State to the Centre. Unless this deficit on the revenue account is met by the Centre State shall remain in very poor financial health. Fourth, diversion of plan funds to non-plan expenditure becomes imperative when Centre fails to release adequate funds to meet the recurring expenditure. This in other words mean there is either no development or only partial or incomplete one. This explains why benefits of successive five year plans have failed to percolate to the targeted population. Fifth, State has been ignored in allocation of Central sector projects. Against total investment of over 2 lakh crores, this wretched State has projects worth only 16 crore. This itself reflects indifference of successive central rulers to the industrialisation of the State. This imbalance is yet to be corrected. Here Centre is fully responsible for its inhibitive and lack-lustre approach. Sixth, in 53 years of independence only 100 odd km of railway track is constructed in the State. This implies that State has been deliberately ignored even for communication systems. The 60 odd km track from Jammu to Udhampur has taken almost 15 years and even after spending 350 crore it is nowhere near completion (the original cost of this project was only 50 crore). Seventh, Indus Water Treaty signed by the Centre did not take the needs and development of J&K State into consideration. Consequently, State cannot store water of Indus, Chenab and Jhelum for round the year generation of rated power nor utilise waters of these rivers for irrigation puporses. This has obviously affected the State adversely for which no compensation is paid by the Centre thus far. Keeping in view all the above factors (inhibitions, reservations and diversions), it is safe to surmise that if State has not observed proper financial discipline, the blame largely lies on the Central Government for not taking cognisance of urgent and special needs of the State. This anomaly must be removed forthwith with immediate decision on plan size and instant release of sufficient funds to start development works in right earnest. Some special funds should also be released to meet the other financial requirements of the State. Of course, State on its part should make judicious use of all the allocated funds- plan and non-plan alike. As per available reports two districts in particular have been targeted by Pak-supported militants for subversive activities. After the Kargil fiasco and strict vigil being maintained by the security forces there, they have started to spread their tentacles to Leh district of Ladakh region. The objective is to create communal disharmony and almost riotous situation in the strategic and sensitive region. The reports indicate that mercenaries and some locals have been directed to establish their networks in Leh. These militants are already on their way from Kishtwar to Kargil via mountainous track and all set to reach Leh areas. Killing of 4 Budhist monks, clashes between Budhists and police which almost communalised the situation and visit of Union Home Secretary Kamal Pandey to Leh points towards the very serious emerging situation. Alarmed at such influx of ruggadised ultras of Lashkar-e-Toiba, some security measures have been taken. VDCs have been created in some sensitive villages. Many border posts established and vigil increased to prevent militants from getting any viable foothold in Leh district. Likewise, Poonch is also targeted. The reports mention creation of Kargil type situation there with intrusions and occupation of pivotal points. This also remains very favourite route for infiltration. belatedly, firing from across the border has been intensified to achieve dual purpose of making border residents flee as also ensure infiltration of ultras (about 700) waiting on the other side. These developments indicate that Pakistan is all set to escalate the subversive acts, fireworks and spread of anarchy by communalising the situation sensitive districts. One expects that both State Government and security forces will not permit Pakistan any liberties. |
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Rao was Congress Sinner-in-Chief M J Akbar When is a powerful politician at his weakest? At that moment when he believes he is invulnerable. This happened to P V Narasimha Rao, the only Indian Prime Minister to be convicted of bribery, or indeed convicted of anything, in the summer of 1993. That was the first time since the summer of 1991 when he stopped being cautious. He was heady at having got away with murder. There are two fatal conditions in politics: failure is one. The second is more dangerous. More politicians have slipped on success than failure. Nemesis is a patient god. She takes her time, although she does make sure that she is rarely robbed of her pleasures. And she always arrives by invitation. The story of Narasimha Rao's conviction does not begin with what happened. Its genesis lies in a question: Why? Why did Narasimha Rao need to bribe MPs to vote for his Government? The simple answer might also sound the most convincing: because he needed a majority in the no-confidence motion in the Lok Sabha. Surface accuracy hides the full truth. His selection seemed better in hindsight, but P V Narasimha Rao was the unlikely choice to lead the Congress when it became the largest single party in Parliament thanks to the sympathy wave that swept the South after the assassination of the young Rajiv Gandhi during the general elections of 1991. When the luck of the Kauravas is with you in a dice game, who can prevent you from taking over the kingdom? P V Narasimha Rao, who had not even contested the general elections because he wanted to retire to Hyderabad after five bypass operations, because Prime Minister of India. The Congress did not have enough seats in the Lok Sabha to command a majority, but this was more than offset by the fact that the Opposition did not have unity to challenge the Government. The assassination had thrown a pall over politics; and a serious economic crisis darkened the mood further. Rao got support from all sections of the House; all he was asked to do was to govern. Which he did, adequately. The BJP, as well as the various Dals, left him alone; Rao presided over a Government that was as stable as Governments get in Delhi. Stability is not always a function of numbers; competent Governance can ensure survival far better than arithmetic. Till December 1992 there was no challenge to Narasimha Rao. After his craven behaviour during the destruction of the Babri mosque, there was never a moment when Rao was not challenged, either by the official Opposition or from within his own party. Before 6 December Rao had no need to bribe any MP; after 6 December and its fallout, corruption was his only hope for survival. The real cause of the conviction delivered in the court of special judge Ajit Bharihoke lies in the events of 6 December. This is the Nemesis for December, not for handing out some Rs 50 lakhs each to 14 MPs of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and other parties to switch sides during the vote on the motion of no-confidence on 28 July, 1993. If there is a mitigating factor for Rao, it lies in the fact that he was not alone in guilt: the whole of the Congress party was as guilty as Rao. Why single out only Buta Singh as an accomplice? Every single minister — and do include everyone from the pious Manmohan Singh to the scame-familiar Satish Sharmas et al — knew the price that had to be paid for survival after December 1992, and each one was happy to contribute his mite or his gold towards the ransom. Everyone in Central Hall knew that bribes had been given and taken; Congress leaders actually bragged about how they had "managed" a victory, to knowing chuckles, before the "outwitted" Opposition. Those seven odd crores of rupees paid as bribes did not come from Rao's personal savings; they were party collections, for which favours were handed out by relevant ministers. The judgement mentions some names involved, but not all: check the swamis for more details. Rao lent his personal weight to corruption that was approved and applauded by a Congress party that wanted to hang on to power at any cost. Rao has now paid the price of being Prime Minister; the Congress has been paying the price of being in power in the last few general elections. Never once did it cross the mind of a single Congress leader to resign over either the Babri episode or while this money was being handed out. It is remarkable for a party that shouts and screams about probity and secularism till the rest of us can cry for mercy that not a single Congress minister resigned after Rao deliberately, consciously slept through the destruction of the Babri mosque, and then participated in the corrupt cover-up that kept the khaddar pockets in funds for three more years. Both Babri and the bribery were recognised immediately as scandals, and there was commotion in Parliament and anger in the press; but the Congress party was immune and indifferent to either betrayal or bribery. There was not even a hint of protest inside. The Congress Muslim ministers were the worst; they queued up for rewards from Rao, who handed them out feverishly as he sought to save his skin and chair. The Ghulams and the Salmans are still hovering around at the top of the Congress pole, this time around Sonia Gandhi, now blaming Rao for having lost the Muslm vote. The Ghulams lost the vote, not Rao. But once Rao had purchased the Muslims in his party with promotions, and calmed others with moral pretensions, he knew he was safe. Survival was a two-step process, of which preventing a revolt within was the more difficult. To purchase a majority in the Lok Sabha was easier, for there he had not only cash but the tantrik powers of a Chandraswami on his side. By the summer of 1993 Rao was, as we have noted, light noted, lightheaded with relief. The most careful man in Indian politics abandoned his biggest aset, caution. Atal Behari Vajpayee's half-regret for the events of 6 December was more sincere than all the hypocrisy that spewed from the Congress Working Committee. That could be one reason why Mr Vajpayee is Prime Minister and Mr Rao headed towards Tihar. The spin doctors are already on the phone, and Rao always had good ones, both in the political class as well as in careful corners of the media. They are trying to drive holes into the verdit of special judge Ajit Bharihoke with technical drillers. The judge was limited by the ruling which protects bribe-takers, but he was surely conscious of the impact on our democracy and on our systems if everyone had escaped on the wings of technicialities in as open a case of bribery as this. Mr Bharihoke showed the courage of a judge when he struck at the fountainhead. If the Prime Minister can negotiate bribes in his drawing room, then that is where accountability must begin. President Harry Truman became famous for his slogan in office, a message of accountability that said "The buck stops here". In Rao's case, it was "The buck starts here". I picked up this story on my recent travels, from the Far Eastern Economic Review, from where I adapt. Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew returned from a private visit to India with a small bolt of silk of extraordinary design. He consulted his tailor immediately who assured him there was just enough fabric to fashion a suit that would fit him perfectly. Ecstatic, he dashed off to an official meeting in Hong Kong with Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa, bringing the silk with him. He could not resist showing the silk to Hong Cong's famous tailors, and was informed that there was enough material for a silk and a pair of trousers. Setting his doubts aside, Lee rushed off to catch a plane for his next destination, Washington. Bill Clinton admired the silk, and showed it to his tailors. There was enough material, they said, for a suit for both Lee and Clinton. Lee now was concerned. What did Hong Cong and Washington have that Singapore did not?" Efficiency? Productivity? "No," Clinton told Lee. "It is just that the further you are from Singapore, the smaller you get". The further Narasimha Rao gets from his days in power, the smaller he gets. |
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Horrors of Autonomy-II From B L Kak The book that is Autonomy or Secession-Jammu and Kash-mir contains a sensational finding: More powers to J&K have resulted in the denial of freedom and ‘brutalisation’ of civil liberties in the State. The 144-page manuscript, authored by the impulsive politician from Jammu region, Mr Bhim Singh, has termed as "invalid and sheer nonsense" the argument that Article 370 is the only constitutional bridge between J&K and the Union of India. Mr Bhim Singh’s counter-argument: "The fact is that it is only Article 370, which keeps Jammu and Kashmir away from the control of Parliament of India and from the mainstream". Stating that Article 370 was meant to be used only once which the President of India did by issuing a Presidential order on November 15, 1952 by abolishing the authority of Maharaja Hari Singh, Mr Bhim Singh has argued that though this order itself was "defective" and "totally violative" of Article 370 itself, Jammu and Kashmir was brought under the cover of autonomy from the date of signing the first Presidential order on January 26, 1950 "in order to put a check on the powers that were retained by Maharaja Hari Singh for himself as the ruler of the State". And according to Mr Bhim Singh, the "bitter fruit of autonomy" had to be tasted by Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah himself when he was dismissed and detained on August 9, 1953. The arrest was effected at a time when the Constituent Assembly was still passing through an agonising state, working for the creation of a democratic constitution. It was Sheikh Abdullah himself who, Mr Bhim Singh stated, had pleaded in his speech before the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1952 to keep away the fundamental rights from the State Constitution. The book has made a pointed reference to the "brutalities and atrocities" committed against the activists of the Praja Parishad in 1952-53. The Praja Parishad’s fault: It had launched a "peaceful movement" against the Sheikh Government. "Hundreds of people were tortured and brutally treated in prisons and in police stations. There was no writ of habeas corpus applicable to Jammu and Kashmir and nor was there any fundamental right available to the citizens of Jammu and Kashmir", the book said and cryptically remarked: "This was the autonomy rule that people tasted". And if the book is any guide, the autonomy, as it asserts, "has been responsible for the present state of affairs in J&K, where people have no freedom and no equity available". The book has regretted that hundreds of people have been ‘stinking’ in Jammu and Kashmir prisons under the J&K Public Safety Act. The Centre, Mr Bhim Singh wishes to inform the world, cannot intervene "because the detention is a State subject, controlled by the autonomy rule". Mr Bhim Singh has lambasted the ruling National Conference party of Jammu and Kashmir for having wrongly interpreted Article 370. "Such an interpretation is highly dangerous", he has warned. The Farooq Abdullah Government’s autonomy report, which has stated that the President of India cannot exercise his power to extend the Indian Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir indefinitely, has been termed in the book as "totally absurd and foreign to the basic structure of the State Constitution that the people of Jammu and Kashmir gave to themselves accepting the supremacy of the Constitution of India". Vehemently arguing that Article 370, which was only a temporary provision, can be scraped by Parliament through the authority of Article 368, Mr Bhim Singh has thrown up a different interpretation, or conclusion, altogether, namely, clauses (2) and (3) of Article 370 became "irrelevant" after the Constituent Assembly framed J&K Constitution in 1957. The State Constitution, he says, has accepted the command of the Indian Constitution. Again, if the book is any guide, the authors of Article 370 "deliberately" made it a temporary provision. "Naturally it was not meant for half a century", the book says and adds: "It was envisaged by the authors of the Constitution of India that with the termination of monarchy, Article 370 would turn redundant". In his apparent bid to intensify the controversy over the "greater autonomy" demand, Mr Bhim Singh has specifically mentioned in his book that the office of J&K Governor was not taken into confidence when the State Chief Minister, Dr Farooq Abdullah, announced the appointment of the State Autonomy Committee. Dr Karan Singh was nominated as its chairman. Dr Karan Singh resigned on July 31, 1997. In his place, senior Kashmiri Minister, Mr Ghulam Mohiuddin Shah was appointed as chairman. According to Mr Bhim Singh, Dr Karan Singh resigned after he had realised that he was being "blackmailed" by Dr Farooq. Dr Farooq, however, found a way to exploit Dr Karan Singh’s status by using the latter’s son as a Minister in the J&K Government. Arguing that the J&K Government had no competence to appoint a committee to monitor the scope and the extent of the legislative powers of parliament , Mr Singh has stated that the Farooq regime could not govern the conduct and the role of the President of India. Mr Bhim Singh’s book states, in unambiguous terms, that the Central legislations which were introduced into the domain of the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir were duly passed by eight previous legislatures since 1951 and issued through appropriate Presidential orders in concurrence with the Government of Jammu and Kashmir. Thus, the present Assembly of J&K, the book has pronounced, has no authority or competence to disturb any previous legislation enacted in the interest of and for the welfare of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. (To be continued) |
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Population growth and our economy By Parul Mahajan There has been a rapid increase in the human population of the world, particularly in many of the Asian countries including India. In fact, population explosion is one of the most serious problems facing the country today. The tremendous growth in population has set to nought most of the planning and nulified the economic and other gains. We know that the land surface can not be expanded and the natural resources are limited. The increase in population is putting pressure on land and natural resources. It has led to massive deforestation, excessive, urbanisation, unemployment, inflation, shortages, slums, congestions etc. There are numerous theories of population but one associated with Robert Malthus, an English economist of dubious worth is relevant. In 1978 Malthus published principle of population in which he elaborated his theory of population. According to Malthus, population increases in geometric progression (1,4,8,16,32....) while means of subsistence (food etc) increasese only in arithmetical progression (1,2,3,4,5,6, 7.....). Thus, there is always a gap between the growing population and the means to support it, and when this gap assumes a critical proportion, the corrective is applied by nature in the form of famines, epidemics, wars etc. Which level down population to the available means of subsistence. The density of population in several countries like Japan, is much more than India but still these countries are not characterised as over populated. India is over populated because we have failed to achieve a reasonable ratio of economic growth. With the present rate of economic growth, India would continue to remain over populated even if the rate of population growth was radically brought down. If there was only one man in the world with no sufficient means of subsistence, the world is still overpopulated. Most important of all, growing population leads to unemployment. The threat that a growing army of unemployment can pose to any Government is being demonstrated in India. The unemployed youth are taking to destructively ways and are becoming a liability to the nation. Economic development and population growth interact mutually. The economic development has both qualitative as well as quantitative effect. The development of the economy of the country in terms of an increase in GNP (Gross National Products) may lead to enlarge the population base because the capacity to support a bigger family increases. But to improve the standard of living a small family norm is preferable. The resultant fall in population is due to an attitudenal charge of the people. The development process also has a direct effect on the population growth as adequate and effective medical care reduces the birth and death rates. The development can influence the population growth by improving the quality of workers in terms of human input. The total input by man will be proportional to the efficiency of workers. The human efficiency input increases if productivity is higher and decreases if it is lower even if the labour force remain unaltered. India's multi-dimensional population programme call for a rapid economic development and social transformation. The problem of ''Population Explosion'' i.e excessive births over death can also be tackled by a rapid economic development according to some demographers. India's phenomenal population rise from 362 million in 1951 to 835 million in 1990 and about 100 crores in 1999, unaccompanied by a commensurate rise in GNP has dipped in per capita income to 3.4 percent. As a consequence, the inequalities in the distribution of income and health are perpetuated. Hence the case for rapid economic development in India is clear and strong. |
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