Daily Excelsior... Editorial

EDITORIAL

Ever since NDA Government assumed helmsmanship of the country there has been continuous modernisation of our defence forces. All the three crucial aspects are being taken care of namely quality of men, removal of obsolescence in the weapon system and paying adequate attention to all the three services. Neither men alone nor the machines nor a single service can face the futuristic war. It has to be cumulative and joint......more

Combined Services Exam

History of Punjabi Journalism

By Harpreet Singh
Punjabi journalism has played a pioneering role in the social, economic and political development of the State. A number.....more

Bihar : No end to caste violence

By Amlan Home Chowdhury
Caste war in Central Bihar, emanating from downright socio-economic disparities, has never been more violent and.....more

Sino-Pak nuclear co-operation

By B Raman
The Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) announced on May 3 that the Chashma Nuclear Power Plant (CHASNUPP) reactor was made critical the same day. Nuclear fuel had been ......more

EDITORIAL

Modernisation

As regards quality of men, a massive exercise is on to re-orient training to the latest concepts and acquisitions which call for quick reflexes and extensive exposure to information technology. It is heartening to note that 1000 Commissioned officers are presently being fine-tuned to computeronics at various institutes and universities. The officers have not only to lead but also do it with a difference as regards maximising use of modern technologies. The officer of today has not only to be equipped with leadership qualities but also given the inputs with which he can outdo the adversary in terms of adoption to latest technologies. Gone are the days of Nepolean era when he pronounced that he preferred army of fools unable to think beyond what is told to them. In the modern era there is talk of smart bombs, Unmanned Aerial vehicles, remote sensors, satellite imaging and intelligence gathering, various variants of missiles that can hit the target upto 12000 km i.e. any part of the globe with pinpoint accuracy. All this calls for total change in training methodology to correspond to emerging needs. Chief of Army Staff is right on course to extensively and comprehensively expose the Commissioned Officers to sophisticated technologies and management techniques. The same is equally essential at the middle rung i.e. Junior Commissioned Officers while the other ranks too have to be fine-tuned to prepare for war theatres that would be entirely different from what they have experienced thus far.

The second area of modernisation relates to discarding obsolete systems and go in for acquisitions that can effectively meet the needs of the futuristic wars. It is good news that overall scenario has been taken rather than making the preparations only Pak-centric. China has never liked India going nuclear. In fact, it continues supplying all relevant and needed technologies to Pakistan for making it nuclear capable. This is being done to keep India busy on its northern flank even as China herself takes care of bigger security concerns elsewhere i.e. Taiwan, Japan and America. Some days back CIA deliberately planted news to the effect that Pak nuclear status is more advanced than India. While it may be premature to under-rate Pak capabilities in the nuclear field, there is no denying the fact that Pakistan has direct access to raw inputs from CIS Republics and technology/equipment from China and North Korea. To that extent India cannot permit any complacency. In this context report that India had positioned Agni-II fitted with nuclear warhead and some Prithvis (Surface to Surface missiles) during Kargil war for instant retaliation in the event of any Pak nuclear first strike amply proves our capabilites. It is not that important how many warheads each country possesses. It is the art of delivery with pin-point accuracy that makes all the difference between victory and defeat. The new acquisitions amply prove that security is safe in the hands of NDA Government. For a change all time record enhancement in budget to the tune of 13000 crore has taken place while more is in the pipeline. AWACS, UAVs, Flight Refuelling Aircrafts (FRAs), ordering more Mirage-2000 and M-17 Choppers besides licensed production of SU-30 fighter/bombers, T-90 tanks, night vision equipment, additional aircraft carrier, production of army, navy and airforce variants of Prithvi and Agni missiles, are all part of the ongoing acquisitions besides many more undisclosed systems.

The third aspect is that adequate financial support is being made available for all the three wings of the armed forces because each one of them needs sharpening of the teeth. India has one of the largest maritime boundry stretching from Arabian Sea to Indian Ocean and unto Bay of Bengal. The deficiencies since noticed and pointed out by experts as also in CAG reports are being removed expeditiously. The delay element is natural in that for almost two decades defence forces remained neglected and there are no short-cuts to make good all the deficiences in every sector. So priorities have been worked out and things are moving as per the national security doctrine. Just as Navy receives tremendous boost and due recognition for its role in any futuristic war and safeguarding of maritime boundaries, Indian Air Force never had it so good in terms of upgradation and modernisation. The concept of whosoever dominates the sky also controls the ground seems to have been accepted and corresponding acquisitions are being made which also includes delivery of nuclear weapons by aircraft besides the surface to surface missiles. As on now both Mirage-2000 and SU-30 can carry nuclear warheads. Both are deep-penetration aircrafts, the latter having mid-air refuelling capability for enhancing its flight duration.

Combined Services Exam

J&K State Public Service Commission has announced that main exam of the combined services will be held in October. One really does not know but track record of PSC and its performance as an autonomous body has remained ever suspect. It has been very sluggish and slow on schedules and final delivery. The last selection for KAS and other allied services took more than three years. Its image came out quite sullied not only for the inordinate delay but the alibis that were reeled out to justify elongation of selection process. Obviously, many influences other than merit were at work and the end-product rightly stands challenged in Courts. It amply proves that Public Service Commission can never function independently unless there is drastic change in the mind-sets which continue to be jaundiced and prejudiced with pre-conceived notions to the detriment of the meritorious. It is true of almost all the selections made by PSC rather than keep it confined to only KAS and other services. It is equally apt to mention that Government is a party to the messy situation in as much as for 13 years it never approached PSC for holding Combined civil services exams. Ultimately when vacancies were notified, PSC did not do justice to its own existence nor to the aspirants. Any process which is subjected to inordinate delays gets corrupted. It would be no use to point out accusing finger on this or that person or individual. The fact remains PSC in its present form cannot function independent of extraneous influences.

Now that October has been mentioned for holding the main exam, it would be just as well that the remaining process is also brought within stipulated time frame on annual basis. No selection should spill over to the following year and the year after that. All that is needed to bring the process within the time-bound dispensation must be done and PSC should be made truly independent body to perform strictly as per standards and norms adopted by Union Public Service Commission.

History of Punjabi Journalism

By Harpreet Singh

Punjabi journalism has played a pioneering role in the social, economic and political development of the State. A number of newspapers, journals and magazines have appeared in Punjabi from time to time. Few of them have survived and fewer achieved any sizeable circulation, but they reveal an interesting story, which forms a valuable record of the social and political life of Punjab. A special feature of Punjabi journalism has been its quick response to popular trends and its readiness to adopt a public cause or a movement.

The first Punjabi newspaper, started around 1840, was sponsored by the Ludhiana Christian Mission, which had its own press. Gurmukhi characters were cast for the first time to print books in Punjabi. By the late 1840s, the Mission press at Ludhiana became a centre of literary activity in Punjabi circles. Ironically, Punjabi printing was unknown in the trans-Sutlej Punjab, then ruled by Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the Lion of Punjab.

The Ludhiana Mission, at its annual meeting in 1841, entrusted Rev. J. Newton with the task of preparing a Punjabi dictionary. A Punjabi grammar had already been issued in 1838. The Mission foresaw the prospect of an increasing demand for Punjabi books by the people of the region. It published a geographical description of Punjab in 1850 and another grammar of Punjabi language in 1851. The first Punjabi dictionary was published in 1854. So just as the first Punjabi grammar and dictionary originated from the Mission Press, the first Punjabi newspaper also emanated from this place. The paper was used by the Mission to propagate its religion and views.

But, the first Punjabi newspaper in the real sense was published by Munshi Hari Narayan and Faraya Lal from Amritsar in 1867. Known as 'Akhbar Sri Darbar Sahib', the paper had a drawing of the Golden Temple on the front page. As Gurmukhi type was not available in Amritsar, the paper was printed from a hand-written copy. In 1875-76, two papers 'Sukabh Sambandhni' and Akhbar Kavi Chandrogya' came into existence.

The newspaper born under the influence of the Singh Sabha movement in 1873 were closer to the life of the people. They represented the general urge for social and religious reforms and were more in sympathy with the public sentiment.

The Singh Sabha movement, which aimed at rediscovering the essentials of the Sikh doctrine and eliminating superstitious customs, provided a new impulse for creative activity in Punjab. Newspaper came into existence to give an impetus to the cause of reforms.

In 1880, Bhai Gurmukh Singh, who was a professor of Punjabi at the Oriental College at Lahore, brought out a weekly organ 'Khalsa Akhbar' which appeared from Lahore. The paper later was taken over by Giani Dit Singh, which was a scholar and a poet.

These early papers were either weekly or monthly journals and their basic objective was to bring reforms in the society. They focused on religious, social and educational matters. In politics, they were conservative and whole-heartedly supported the Government. However, they aroused interest in Punjabi language and established Punjabi prose writing, which appealed to the people.

Newspaper writing got a political basis during the partition of Bengal and the colony agitation in Punjab when National leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai and Sardar Ajit Singh were deported. The Kamagata Maru incident and the demolition of the outer wall of Gurdwara Rakab Ganj in Delhi to clear the site for the Secretariat created widespread awareness among the people of Punjab. Politically conscious newspaper like 'Shahid', 'Panth Sewak' and 'Punjabi Surma' emerged. The 'Shahid', which started Publication from Amritsar on December 4, 1914, was the first Punjabi daily.

To express its own views, the Government started publishing its own newspaper. The Punjab government started 'Haq', which was published from Lahore and its editor was Khan Abdul Aziz. The Government of India started 'Fauji Akhbar' in Shimla in 1914.

The next phase of Punjabi journalism was dominated by the Akali movement, which aroused a great deal of public support. Public anger at the Government rose after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in 1919. Newspapers expressed people's feelings and began to propogate the case for political advancement and Gurdwara reforms.

Journalism of this period brought into public life many people, who later became well-known in the political sphere. Sardar Sardul Singh Kaveeshar, Master Tara Singh, Bhai Jodh Singh, Sardar Mangal Singh Akali, Master Mota Singh, Giani Gurmukh Singh Musafir and Sardar Sohan Singh Josh first gained their experience of political affairs as editors of different Punjabi journals and then entered politics.

Sardar Sardul Singh edited his own magazine, 'Sangat' Mangal Singh edited 'Akali', Sohan Singh Josh, 'Sansar' and Bhai Jodh Singh worked with 'Khalsa', a daily newspaper of the Chief Khalsa Diwan. The daily 'Akali' was the central organ of the new movement and was very popular in those days of fierce agitations. A series of incidents like the Nankana Massacre, Guru-ka Bagh atrocities and the deposition of the Maharaja of Nabha imparted heat to the political atmosphere. The 'Akali' came into conflict with the authorities on several occasions and suffered forfeitures and suppression by the Government. Among its editors were well-known figures like Giani Gurmukh Singh Musafir, Sodhi Darbara Singh, Partap Singh Kairon and Mubarak Singh.

The birth of 'Preet Lari' was another milestone in the history of Punjab journalism. S. Gurbaksh Singh, educated in U.S., launched the journal. The journal with its modern philosophy of the art of living and reassessment of social and religious values soon established itself as an institution of enlightenment and knowledge. It introduced a new prose style, which was readily accepted and emulated by Punjabi writers.

The paper also introduced certain innovations in the format, which became a fashion for all other newspaper and magazines. Smaller-type, better paper and accent on the general quality of the newspaper were some of the other characteristics.

For many years, Amritsar remained the Chief centre of the Punjabi press with Guru Ram Das Serai Bazar being the Fleet Street of the city as a large number of newspaper and magazines offices were located there. Gradually with the development of English and Urdu press in Lahore, many Punjabi papers shifted to cities like Jalandhar, Ludhiana, Patiala and Delhi. Among these cities Jalandhar emerged as a major centre of Punjabi newspapers and it still continues to hold the fort. A large number of newspaper are published from here and the notable ones are Ajit, Akali, Patrika, Az Di Awaaz, and Jagbani. A number of Punjabi newspaper are published from Patiala also. However, no important Punjabi newspaper is published from Amritsar -- the city, which earlier boast of publishing the maximum numbers of Punjabi papers and magazines.

PTI Feature

Bihar : No end to caste violence

By Amlan Home Chowdhury

Caste war in Central Bihar, emanating from downright socio-economic disparities, has never been more violent and blood-spilling than now. The area has witnessed 68 gory incidents leading to killing of over 638 persons in the last 15 years. Caste-based hatred is so deep among different segments in Bihar that caste groups or so-called ‘senas’ raid villages, set houses on fire and kill even women and children.

Caste conflicts in Bihar became a National issue in 1999, when the Naxalites, who claim to represent the landless agricultural labourers, threatened to kill seven upper caste Bhumihars of ‘Ranveer Sena’ at the busy Usari Bazaar in Jehanabad District of Central Bihar within 48 hours of the proclamation of the President's Rule. President K. R. Narayanan ordered the Bihar Government to eliminate the caste-line senas and Naxalite groups in the State. But, the authorities have not been able to flush these groups out, who continue to hold the State at ransom.

Plagued by floods, baked by droughts and ravaged by poverty, Central Bihar is India's only patch of land where all castes have formed their senas driven by years of helplessness and revenge. The caste-based vendetta that began in Bihar 40 years ago has aggravated into extensive lawlessness in Central Bihar.

With a population of 20 million, Central Bihar is located between the South of River Ganga and the Northern Plateau Region -- the land from where Lord Buddha proclaimed his theory of casteless society, peaceful co-existence and fraternity nearly 25 centuries ago.

Central Bihar comprises State capital, Patna, the Districts of Nalanda, Jehanabad, Gaya, Aurangabad, Nawadah, South Munger and South Bhagalpur. The caste-based and Naxalite groups have now spread to Garhwa, Hazaribagh, Rohtas and Bhojpur pockets.

Today, the area has become a ‘terror zone’. The senas and Naxalite groups now have started stockpiling lethal weapons and recruiting cadres to strengthen themselves. Subsequently, fears of more massacres loom large.

More than 18 heavily-armed so-called ‘senas’ and over 11 Naxalite outfits have unleashed a reign of terror in vast rural and semi-urban areas in Central Bihar. The caste-line senas are Ranveer Sena, Bhumi Sena, Savarna Liberation Front, Ganga Sena, Brahmarshi Sena, Lorrik Sena, Sunlight Sena, Kunwar Sena and Lal Sena.

These senas are supported financially and protected politically by rich landowners, kulaks, ‘zamindars’, caste manderins and politicians.

The first major caste-based group, Kunwar Sena, was formed by the Rajput community in 1972 to counter the Naxalites. It was named after Babu Kunwar Singh, the legendary ruler of Jagdishpur in Bhojpur District, who laid down his life while fighting against the Britishers during the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. The Ganga Sena and Sunlight Sena also belong to the Rajputs. The Pathan Muslims also support these senas.

In the caste-maze of Bihar, the Bhumihars are a rich and educated community. They are a landed class, who play pivotal role in the rural and semi-urban areas of the State. After 1969-70, different Naxalite groups started making attacks on the properties of the upper caste Bhumihars. As a result, this caste formed several heavily armed senas of its own. They are Ranveer Sena, Brahmarshi Sena and Savarna Liberation Front. These senas have butchered more than 241 dalits, harijans and members of other backward communities in the last 15 years.

To counter the ultra-leftists and save their agricultural lands as also to protect their economic interests, the rich landlords and Kulaks of the Kurmi community formed the Bhumi Sena and Kisan Suraksha Samiti. In the districts of Patna, Gaya, Nalanda and Jehanabad, the two groups have been responsible for a number of raids on the dalits and harijans and killings.

The rich Yadav landlords, backed by few politicians, formed the Lorrika Sena in 1984 to maintain their supremacy in the rural areas of Central Bihar.

The Union Home Ministry has been constantly urging the Bihar Government to put an end to the banned senas. Several police operations have been launched to weed out these groups in the last 20 years, but nothing much has been achieved.

The senas now have grown extremely powerful due to political patronage. In the feudalistic set up of Central Bihar, the senas not only attack the Naxalites, but also settle caste scores, loot booths during the pools and spread terror among the landless dalits and harijans so that they dare not oppose the diktats of the ‘feudal lords’.

Though the ‘zamindari’ or feudalism was abolished 50 years ago, it continues to exist in Bihar where the erstwhile feudal lords still control about 83 per cent of the total irrigated land. The landless peasants and marginal farmers, mostly dalits, harijans and members of schedule castes, are forced to work as serfs at gun point.

Their extreme exploitation and oppression by upper castes have strengthened the Naxalite movement to thrive in Central Bihar. Since dalits and harijans are supporters of the Naxalite movement, senas very often attack their villages and butcher them. The banned Naxalite outfits retaliate by raiding villages of upper castes and kill them. Thus, the vendetta along caste-line continues.

Between 1979 to 1999, more than nine ultra-Leftist (or Naxalite) bands butchered over 3800 people belonging to upper castes. These Naxalite groups include Mazdoor Kisan Sangharsha Samiti, Indian People's Front, People's War Group, CPI (ML), CPI (ML) - Party Unity, Lal Khandis, M.L. Janashakti, Maoist Communist Centre and M.L. New Democracy.

The Bihar Government launched over 10 major anti-Naxalite and caste-based ‘sena’ police operations, including ‘Operation Thunder’ and ‘Operation Siddhartha’ between 1970 and 1999. But, neither the Naxalites nor ‘sena’ members could be flushed out by the authorities. The Naxalites now have become so powerful that they even raid the police stations in broad day light. The ‘senas’ too attack the police when operations are launched against them.

The Naxalites have killed well over 180 policemen, looted arms and ammunitions from 21 police stations and burnt down six police stations in Bihar during the last seven years. More than 315 policemen have lost their lives in 76 encounters with Naxalites since 1983. With politicial backing and heavily-armed, the Ranveer Sena and other caste-line groups have killed over 48 policemen during the last four years.

After the gory massacre in Shankarbigha, Jehanabad District in January, 1999 in which 22 persons were killed in a sena-Naxalite clash, a Central Team visited Bihar. The Team pointed out that the root of all trouble in Central Bihar is unequal distribution of land, gruelling poverty, massive exploitation of landless dalits and harijans by landlords and the failure of the administration in distribution of land among the landless.

Over three million acres of land has been set aside for distribution among the landless, who mostly are dalits and harijans. The rich Kulaks and zamindars are practically in control of this land and force the dalits and harijans to work as bonded labour with the help of their ‘senas’ at gun point. In 1969, Naxalite groups started uniting the penniless and exploited harijans and dalits to wage war against the landlords, who in turn formed ‘senas’ to protect themselves.

PTI Feature