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EDITORIAL

No mediation

Close on the heels of total rejection by Prime Minister of any scope for mediation on Kashmir, Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh has made it amply clear that no country howsoever mighty will be allowed to interfere in the internal affairs of India. He has elaborated that Jammu & Kashmir is part and parcel of India like any other state and self-styled overzealous mediators are well advised to mind their own business. Not only Kashmir, but also resolve of problems with other nations is nobody's business........more

Review panel

Composition of Constitution Review Commission has been announced by Prime Minister AB Vajpayee. In the process NDA fulfills another items of National Agenda of Governance which had entailed setting up of such a Commission..........more

Deterioration and improvement in
education


By B L Kaul

Today, deterioration in education has become the topic...
more

Republic at odds
with itself


By V. Y. Kantak I. C. S. (Retd.)

The contrast is too great to be missed. A country....
more

Fault lines of colonial system of policing

By Ved Prakash Tripathi
I.P.S. (Retd.)

The British left us saddled with a police structure....
more

Defence
Armed Forces : Integration and joint command


By N K Pant

When Belgrade and sister cities in Yugoslavia were ....
more

EDITORIAL

No mediation

Close on the heels of total rejection by Prime Minister of any scope for mediation on Kashmir, Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh has made it amply clear that no country howsoever mighty will be allowed to interfere in the internal affairs of India. He has elaborated that Jammu & Kashmir is part and parcel of India like any other state and self-styled overzealous mediators are well advised to mind their own business. Not only Kashmir, but also resolve of problems with other nations is nobody's business. India is a sovereign country and to that extent has every right to decide its relations with others as it suits our national interests. It is not the first time that attempts at mediation in Kashmir have been made. Even when Pakistan had no nuclear weapons, Pak mentors have been crying hoarse over the issue. It may be recalled that during peak of Hazratbal siege by ultras, American Assistant Secretary of State Ms Raphael went to the extent of obliging Pakistan by challenging J&K accession to India when the need of the hour was to apply balm and defuse the situation.

The position is no different now. Ever since nuclear tests carried out by both India and Pakistan, America has been busy arm-twisting this country on several issues. The latest doctrine being projected by America for India and Pakistan to contain their nuclear programmes has five specific features. First, signing of CTBT and conforming to NPT regime. Second, giving up missile development programme. Third, scrap all programmes for chemical and biological warfare weapons. Fourth, give no nuclear and missile technology to any third country and then get going to address to Kashmir issue. Various American functionaries including President Bill Clinton, Foreign Secretary Ms Madeliene Albright and Defence Secretary Mr Cohen besides many officials have declared Kashmir as the nuclear flash point, powder keg, tinder box and a fuse. They have also taken upon themselves the role of unipolar super power and consider it their god-bestowed duty to intervene anywhere in the world to subserve 'global peace' like they did in Yugoslavia. Even NATO charter has been amended to assign it the additional role of going beyond NATO countries if their strategic interests so demand. In other words, Uncle Sam has become somewhat habitual to give dictation to others. The fact, remains that latest series of Kashmir related statements continue to pour by the day that indicate that America is not reconciled to whatever India is today and it tends to once again appease Pakistan at the cost of values cherished by all democracies, USA included.

Our Foreign Secretary Lalit Mansingh during his wide ranging talks with American functionaries make it amply clear that President Bill Clinton's visit to India from March 20 is without any conditions. As per his assessment the visit is meant to have closer bonds between the mightiest and the largest democracies and issues like signing of CTBT or allowing any mediatory role to USA on Kashmir is not on agenda. The issue is purely based on promoting economic ties and cooperation in science and technology besides countering global terrorism.

It is pertinent to point out that Bill Clinton's democratic party is in the midst of Presidential election due in November. He is not the candidate having completed two terms already. All his efforts are thus directed to secure maximum leverage for Democratic Party. To that extent India tends to regard his visit only symbolic in the sense that after Jimmy Carter's visit in 1979, he is the second USA President in office visiting India. So nothing much needs to be read in it. In November it could be democratic President or Republican whose agenda vis-a-vis relations with Pakistan would be as much contrasting as between George Bush and Bill Clinton. The fact remains no American President wants to dump Pakistan despite its proven role as terrorist sponsor nation. India is indeed better off without his visit if America continues to cry hoarse over Kashmir, a line that is akin to what Pakistan has been advocating.

It is quite apt to mention that it is America that needs India on her right side. It is to avert formation of triple-axis between India-China-Russia. Together they could shatter American hegemonic dreams of unipolarism. Russia and China have already been quite vocal on such American designs. The only way India can be prevented from joining the other two is by keeping this country in good humour. The object of American President's visit is to tap the very large Indian market for trade promotion. It is a very tempting proposition which America cannot surrender to others. India is thus in a very comfortable position to call a spade a spade by conveying to America in no uncertain terms that neither our relations with other countries nor any interference in our affairs will be tolerated. If Bill Clinton wants to visit Pakistan, let him go ahead. Under the circumstances he will be definitely damaging American image in his country. That would tantamount to giving special treatment to dictators, military rulers and those promoting state terrorism as against India that promotes universal brotherhood, remains a vibrant democracy and committed to world peace and total nuclear disarmanent. Any mediatory role for America on Kashmir is thus totally ruled out. If they want to make a success of Bill Clinton's visit to this country, they are best advised to cease meddling in our internal affairs.

Review panel

Composition of Constitution Review Commission has been announced by Prime Minister AB Vajpayee. In the process NDA fulfills another items of National Agenda of Governance which had entailed setting up of such a Commission. It has been constituted despite reservations expressed by President K R Narayanan and most of the opposition parties who have accused BJP of following its hidden agenda. To be precise neither anything is hidden nor there is even remote scope for tampering with the basic structure and features of the Constitution. The 11-member Commission headed by former Chief Justice of India Mr M N Venkatachaliah is almost apolitical. Only men of eminance and legal luminaries have been inducted as members. The sole exception is former Lok Sabha Speaker PA Sangma who is a Christian and hail from backward north eastern region. At least five members are former Judges of the Apex Court/High Courts besides two Attorney Generals. The point to be noted is that Chairman of the Commission Justice Venkatachaliah made it amply clear that he would head the Commission only if Government adheres to three fundamentals. First, there will not any scope for tampering with the basic structure. Second, there would be likewise no scope for altering democratic structure. Third, all members of the Commission would be appointed with his consultation. This clearly shows that not only men of eminence but also those with unimpeachable integrity to the nation are in the Commission. To that extent opposition parties need not have any apprehensions. The Commission will only recommend changes, if any, based on the past 50 years of experience and how best proper and meaningful governance besides socio-economic development can be assured for the young India on forward march. Further, Commission is given one year's time to give its recommendations. Those who oppose it for the sake of opposition should await its recommendations.

Deterioration and improvement in education

By B L Kaul

Today, deterioration in education has become the topic of each and every Indian but I fear that education in modern India was never upto the mark. Modern education was introduced in India by Britishers to produce clerks for their own means. No change was brought about by various governments leading the country. The difference in education at the time of independence and today is only of a degree rather of a kind. At the time of independence education was based on values but today the defects in education are actually the result of fast evading social values in Indian society which is subjected to westernization and people are confusing it with modernisation. As quoted by Mahatma Gandhi education should be round character building and not mere making degree and diploma holders. Today, India is floaded with lot of private schools, colleges and polytechnics with in-adequate infrastructures, un-qualified teachers but charging heavy fees. Education has been commercialised. Students today are dabbling in party politics rather concentrating on studies because professors, V.Cs today are used by politicians for their political motives. Strikes by students has become routine of the day because there is no one to pull up the socks of teachers, professors as educational institutions are being used by the legislators. So how this menace can be checked when the law makers are not interested in it.

Teacher is one who produces intelligentsia and makes children grow into golden citizens by rubbing them constantly with good morals and values and thus shapes or moulds their personality into golden youths. There was a time when India was known as golden sparrow due to the richness of economy it possessed. Although now as economy of India is very low and we have lost the title or lable of golden sparrow in international market but still we have a chance to label ourselves as golden youths with golden qualities which very well prevailed in our society and that can be done if teachers would receive the same respect as in Gurkul Shikshas System. Since 1947 Indian Government introduced many schemes from time to time for the elevation of education but none of them showed any positive results. This shows that there is wrong somewhere. This shows that schemes introduced are paper schemes finding their place on huge quantities of paper which speaks of their huge size and quantity but unfortunately none of them finding place on the ground. This shows either the schemes were defective which made them cumbersome to run on the ground or implementers were incompetent. Quality schemes introduced by the Government need to be implemented and that too without delay because justice delayed is justice denied. The problem cannot be eliminated until following steps are taken in this direction :-

1. Restoration of status of Headmasters.

"The most uncertain are the teens, whether fatty or leans; Rich or poor, every one tastes sweet and sour; some times acting as grown men and sometimes as boys of mere ten;

So man was appointed for checking such unruly heads and was called the Headmaster;

But as he himself was kept at rare, the education system has taken lowest chair."

That is why once Sarvapalli Dr Radha Krishnan when asked by media persons to answer that who is the first and highest administrator in the administrative hierarchy of the Nation. He quipped - Headmaster of High School. Further commenting on the issue, Dr Radha Krishnan said that if this position or status is held in prejudice in any way then deterioration in education is inevitable. So it becomes obligatory on the part of the government to elevate and restore the status of head-master without any issue and delay.

Admission/Recruitment :

If we sincerely mean business viz improvement in Education and also claim to be honest to bring efficiency in the system of education as well as in the administration, then the policy of any reservation for admission in educational institutions including professional and for the recruitment of teachers is to be done away with. The policy of reservation has brought the nation to the state of anarchy crimes and corruption. The basic and primary pillars of the nation are merit and efficiency which are totally gone at present. No human society or nation can show progress politically, ethically and economically unless these retain merit and efficiency.

Adequate Muffasil allowance be granted in favour of teachers working in rural areas. Equal amount of rent as is admissible in cities be granted in favour of the teachers working in towns.

The delegation of zonal Education Officers be restricted to that of formulation of plans, monitoring, submission and consolidation of Datas. Primary and Middle schools be demarcated and placed under the administrative and financial control of Headmaster who will be the head of complex. Fixed T.A be granted in his/her favour.This is the dire need of the hour.

Primary classes be detached from every High School. Two periods of 0.30 Minutes each be earmarked for Ist. to 3rd classes for teaching Math, language and English only. This will ease the work load of students reading in these classes. Ist four periods for teaching Math and language and two periods in the 2nd. half of teach English needs to be demarcated. One additional subject of 0.30 Mts. duration viz. General Science be introduced from class 4th to 5th social science be taught from class 6th onwards.

Republic at odds with itself

By V. Y. Kantak I. C. S. (Retd.)

The contrast is too great to be missed. A country 'where the festival never ends', and its people who celebrate Diwali, Holi, Makarsankranti, or New Year with enthusiasm, are totally cold when it comes to Independence Day or the Republic Day. But for the official functions, these Days would go unnoticed as holidays. Even these functions look stage-managed and contrived events, with everybody going through appropriate motions. There is no spontaneity, no genuine feeling that it an important day.

The ruling class may be loathe to admit it, but this indifference has to be traced to the alien and rootless character of the Indian state.

True, democracy has survived and transfer of power to successive governments has been smooth, but the credit for it goes to the peace-loving nature of our people and the size and diversity of our country, rather than any wonders built into the Constitution or its working.

The first thing that strikes us about the Indian state is its lopsided or unbalanced nature. It is soft to those who merit a harsh treatment-terrorists, proven criminals, tax dodgers, corrupt officials and leaders, irresponsible trade unions etc; while it is harsh to those who deserve a compassionate treatment _ the poor, the unorganised, the weak. So, it inspires fear among those whom it is supposed to help and serve, while it is not taken seriously by those who ought to fear it. It is highly active in areas which it should not have entered in the first place, while blissfully neglecting the tasks which it alone can perform. There is too much of government but too little of governance. Its patronage is largely enjoyed by those who least deserve it, even as its burden is borne by those who are least capable to do so.

Another striking feature of the Indian state over the decades has been the divergence between the objectives and the consequences of its policies. A poor country which needed to grow fast chose to follow economic policies which stultified its growth.

A policy of positive discrimination which was supposed to put an end to backwardness created a powerful vested interest in backwardness. A temporary provision for integrating Jammu & Kashmir into India has become a seemingly permanent instrument for preventing its full integration.

On the top of this, the State that is created by the Constitution has no relation with or respect for age-old civilisation of the country. It has done nothing to end the cultural stalemate that has been plaguing us for centuries. It is well-known that its overall structure and great many provisions were borrowed from the Government of India Act 1935. Like British rulers, it looks upon India as a vast conglomeration of castes, communities, religions, languages and races and seeks to mould them into a modern nation by inculcating western values. There lies the wall that separates it from Indianness.

It is only on a superficial view that Indian state can be said to have been neutral in civilisational terms. In practice, it has been an active agency for setting up western institutions and values. This is justified sometimes in the name of modernisation, but most of the times in the name of secularism. Secularism alone can ensure communal harmony and preserve India's unity and integrity, we are told. Before dealing with these tall claims, it must be pointed out that in India secularism is defined and used in a very special way. In any other country, the demand for a common civil code, evenhanded treatment of criminals and infiltrators regardless of their religion, and opposition to special treatment to any province by the central government would be regarded as secular. In India it is regarded as proof of communalism.

In the West secularism was creative; in India, it is imitative. In West, it was directed against the clergy, tyrannical rulers and had, therefore, a liberating role. Here, it is directed against the Hindus who are victims of two successive imperialisms stretching over a millennium. In the West, it opposed the church, which claimed to be the sole custodian of absolute truth, which gave definitive answers to all questions and punished any dissent. In India, it is directed against Hinduism which never made such claims, laid down no dogmas, punished no dissent and which fully accepted the role of reason in both spiritual and secular matters. In practice, it has been a smokescreen for every anti-Hindu totalitarian ideology _ Islam, Christianity, communism _ to pursue its designs on the Hindu society.

Secularism's record in preserving India's unity and integrity is nothing to write home about. Gandhiji, whose name is invoked day in and day out by secularists, could not prevent partition of the country on religious lines. For all his modernising zeal, Pundit Nehru could not persuade Muslims to accept a common civil code. Indira Gandhi felt hampered by secularist compulsions in dealing with Bangladeshi infiltration.

If this proves anything, it is this: All attempts to divorce Indian nationalism from Hindu civilisation have failed. If we take out Hindu element from Indian society, history and culture, it will no longer remain Indian.

History shows that every part of India where Hindu civilisation was eclipsed and Hindus were reduced to a minority has eventually seceded from India. Every separatist movement in the last hundred years (Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Dravid, communist, tribal) has been anti-Hindu in character.

In contrast, there is not a single leader, organisation or movement which calls itself Hindu and yet is separatist. Hindus cannot secede from India because they constitute India. It is they who have imparted Indianness to India. No other group can claim this for itself.

Secularism was westernised Hindus' response to anti-Hindu separatism. They sought to deflect the attack by disowning Hinduism. It has not worked. The Hindus may cry hoarse that they are secular, but for their enemies they are still too Hindu to be left in peace.

The crucial issue at the time of independence and later, in drafting the Constitution was: Have Hindus finally come into their own? They could have seized the state and proclaimed the primacy of their civilisation by declaring India a Hindu Rashtra. It would have been a very logical thing to do, because after the secession of the Muslim component of the state (provinces, bureaucracy, police and army) what remained was Hindus Rashtra. That reality was not recognised. The recognition would have meant an assurance to the Hindus that they had finally come into their own, that Indian nationalism was rooted in Hinduism and that the State would protect Hindu society and culture against predatory creeds.

The Hindus could force such a recognition because they were too traumatised by the partition and Gandhiji's assassination to realise that they had arrived at an important milestone in their history. Also, they did not possess an elite which could rise to the occasion.

Hindu intelligentsia, mesmerised by Nehru, had a wholly different, almost anti-Hindu orientation. That intelligentsia has spent fifty years in telling Hindus that this is not their state, although they may be manning and funding it by far. The Hindu response is visible in their indifference to all the values espoused the State, including composite culture and secular (i.e. non-Hindu) nationalism. The loss of national character in the independent India has a lot to do with that. It also explains why Indians are respected abroad, but India is not. The demand for a review of the constitution has to be understood in this context. It is by no means sure that such a review would proclaim India a Hindu Rashtra. That is because the correlation of forces is yet to crystallise in favour of such a change. Although secularism has lost its glitter in the last decade, the Hindus are still in no position to assert the primacy of their civilisation. Witness BJP's defensive and apologetic attitude to its 'hidden' agenda.

It took a grave economic crisis to rid us of socialism. What it will take to rid us of secularism, time alone will tell. INAV

Fault lines of colonial system of policing

By Ved Prakash Tripathi
I.P.S. (Retd.)

The British left us saddled with a police structure vastly differ-ent from what they themselves had back home. This peculiar set up was, of course, put in place to serve their imperial interest in our country. Also there is no denying the fact that from their point of view, the system worked satisfactorily and served them well.

The entire arrangement hovered around an all powerful district collector, usually a Britisher, and a native official designated as Station House Officer (SHO). The SHO, known in law as the officer in-charge of a police station, carried a class III status and was generally placed in the pay scale of an upper division clerk. However, he was otherwise vested with an awful amount of authority over the natives.

It did not suit the colonial masters that the police have a human face. They had come to the conclusion that they could rule India only through awe and terror and the police was to be a perfect instrument for that. In fact, they were too few to be able to deal with us in any other manner as their number in India never exceeded two lakh at any point of time. Later, however, the British rulers had to put on some democratic garb under the pressures of the nationwide awakening and unrest. But right till the end, they kept the police and all other levers of power firmly in their own hands.

The British not only wanted its police to be proficient but also wanted the policing of their colony to work cheap. Thus, we had a station officer with a macho image with a lot of authority and importance thrust upon him. But there was little money to go with all that. The British knew that the type of police force they had created could not be trusted in the matter of justice. So unlike what existed in Britain, they made confession before - and in custody of police - inadmissible in law.

It is a tragedy that an institution that produces the precious wealth of peace has come to acquire such a boorish image in public eye. Since Independence, many senior and even subordinate police officers have periodically made concerted efforts to bring the cop and community closer. But till date they have not succeeded. Several commissions had been set up and recommendations made but to no avail.

There are many reasons for the failure in improving our police structure. First, the colonial structure of police suits our present-day politicians all too well. Whereas the British had the natives to check, our new masters always have scores to settle with their political opponents. They resent the system only when they are at the wrong end of the stick. This is why the painstakingly prepared volumes of the last Police Commission report have been gathering dust with the Home Ministry for years.

Second, people also expect some sort of infallibility from the police. They very much like the idea of the rascals being given their due in the police station itself. The psyche of instant justice, in the wake of our tardy judicial process, works well with Indian populace. However, we also want the police to ensure that no innocent person is subjected to any harshness. This is a rather impracticable expectation and that is why the police uses the 'third degree' to extract information from detainees, despite the fact that the law does not sanction it. It is not that the British police does not resort to the third degree during investigations. Some IRA suspects have suffered terribly in their interrogation chambers. However, they have still been able to maintain a positive image in the public eye. The reason for this is that they are friendly with the man on the street and do not beat up people on anybody's bidding. In fact, a person in a problem instinctively thinks first of a police officer and they also take pride in helping out the common man. This is something which our police force is lacking in. Herein also lies the urgent need to reform our outdated police system. The first hurdle in the way of police reforms is that the Central Government has somehow completely washed its hands of responsibility on the excuse that both police and public order are State list subjects. It has to be appreciated that police power is the inherent power of every State. Besides, when there is a need for an international police force (Interpol) how can we do without a national police force. We must, therefore, have a properly organised central police force with constitutional role and responsibility.

The role of this force could well be limited so as not to disturb the federal content of our Constitution. Article 385 of our statute enjoins upon the Centre to protect the constituent States against external aggression as well as internal disturbance. External aggression obviously includes proxy wars and sponsored terrorism or insurgents. While internal disturbance should cover communal riots or other situations. Since power and responsibility are the two sides of the same coin, the Centre has been entrusted with the statutory responsibility to not only protect the States but also raise a police force for the purpose.

At present, the Centre has a plethora of paramilitary force without any defined role. The personnel of these forces are provided to the states on contract basis of work under their structures. This is not a very neat arrangement as it neither permits any accountability on them nor does it allow any scope for initiative with Central forces. These paramilitary outfits should be organised into a cohesive national police force with a well defined role and statutory authority.

Second, our democracy has not properly percolated down to the district level. Our district administration continues to be run on the old colonial lines. There should be an adequately empowered, ticketed body at the district headquarters and the district police should be responsible for it rather than the District Magistrate. This would ensure that the politicians are not placed in power without responsibility, in relation to the police.

The important post of the station house officer should be hold by officers of the rank of deputy superintendents of police. There is also a need to upgrade the financial status of the constabulary in the line with their responsibility profile. Due attention should be paid to areas like recruitment, training, mobility, communication, computerisation and equipment etc. The era of cheap policing devised by the British is really over. We as a sovereign nation have to match our police system with what they always had at home and denied us as a matter of design. INAV

Defence
Armed Forces : Integration and joint command


By N K Pant

When Belgrade and sister cities in Yugoslavia were being ruthlessly pounded by NATO constituents’ awesome air power during the Kosovo crisis in the summer of 1999, press briefings held in Brussels, London and Washington and telecast live by the BBC and CNN networks provided an apt insight on the integrated functioning of the respective defence set ups of the major NATO countries especially the United Kingdom and the United States. The briefings, despite the fact that these were conducted with a bit of arrogance typical of the disdainful aggressors, definitely threw light on the perfect cohesion and teamwork in which the political will emanating from the Ministry of Defence (MoD) on the one hand and the integrated military might of the armed forces on the other, functioned in the democracies of the west. Whereas in the Indian context, each Service especially during the peacetime, usually plays a different ball game thus inviting the bureaucracy infested MoD to act as a domineering referee. The fall out of the unfortunate and unceremonious sacking of the former naval chief Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat as a result of politico- secretarial machinations, had revived hopes of integration of the three service headquarters with the MoD in addition to more powers to the armed forces’ top commanders which the uniformed fraternity had been seeking for a long time for the sake of faster and sound decision making. The defence minister George Fernandes had even gone on record to implement the badly needed integration and empowerment within a period of thirty days but it is going to be almost two years now, nothing tangible has emerged out of the half hearted futile exercise except cautious reactions from the different affected quarters.

Meanwhile, chief of the army staff General VP Malik’s reported remarks made in a press interview during his week long visit to France in December,1999 had revealed that the proposed joint command structure and the related changes could take still some more time to see light of the day. According to him, India was in the process of examining a number of models that exist around the world in order to decide on a suitable system and will obviously have to base it on the nation’s requirements and typical working conditions. Though the politicians in power seem to appreciate the armed forces’ point of view and will readily give the required green signal for their integration with the MoD, it is the reported differences amongst the three services on the one hand and the unpleasant divide between the Services and the civilian bureaucracy in the MoD on the other, which in fact, are coming on the way. Obviously, time is not ripe enough for the present bureaucratically dominated three Services’ headquarters to be considered as the integral parts of the nation’s democratically elected government. With bureaucrats firmly sitting on the driving seat and utterly ignorant of the ground realities, the decision making process behind our national security becomes appallingly wanting. Until the ruling party politicians strongly force their will in this respect, nation’s security will continue to be held as the prisoner of indecisiveness.

In fact, the present day loosely knit Indian defence organisation is out of tune with streamlined modern military set up and hence needs early restructuring. The three Services –army, navy and air force are independent of each other and are supposed to be serviced besides usual bullying by a unwieldy secretariat called MoD which strangely does full justice to Parkinson’s Law that work expands to fill the time available for its completion and bureaucracies grow inexorably independent of their workload. No doubt for the sake of inter Service co-ordination, there is a Chiefs of Staff Committee with the longest serving Chief officiating as the chairman. But he is not usually consulted during the national level crisis management as happened during the recent hijack of the Indian Airlines aircraft. He wields no powers to take important decisions in the realm of the nation’s defence and also does not fit anywhere in the uniformed chain of command integral to a prompt military response in a surprise hostile action. The highly vitiated security scenario in our neighbourhood demands immediate establishment of the fully empowered office of the Chief of the Defence Staff (CDS), a five star general, naval or air force equivalent, responsible for rendering a single window advice to the union government of vital matters of national defence. He should have under him not only the three Service chiefs but also the effective tri-service operational and support structure at all levels. Moreover, there is a paramount need to build the truly integrated combat forces without merging the individual Services since the battles and wars are won by ground, naval and air forces operating effectively together in support of common military objectives. It is indeed the joint teamwork which will deliver the goods if at all a war is forced upon us amid the shrill cries for jehad and the nuclear weapons in the backyard.

The Subramaniam Committee which probed Pakistan’s intrusions in Kargil last year is understood to have been critical of multiplicity of agencies involved in security management at the national level but it is not yet clear whether it recommended the implementation of the CDS concept as is in vogue in the western countries and a chain of integrated command and control down the line for the sake of a quick operational reaction in a warlike situation. But the decade old high level Arun Singh Committee report on the working of defence set up, had definitely pointed out this fundamental flaw in the highest echelons of national security system and recommended the merger of the civilian ministry and the armed forces’ headquarters. It is a sheer duplication of work against the tenet of the economy of effort often mentioned as one of the principles of war and incidentally it is the likely threats of war MoD is supposed to deal with by giving unflinching backup to the armed forces and certainly not to boss over the disciplined man in uniform. The integration will result in considerable cost saving for the fund starved Services as it will do away with the infructuous two tier workload of file pushing presently in vogue in the MoD and the three Service headquarters causing avoidable delays. Since its implementation would have pruned the bureaucracy’s wings, the report was consigned to the dusty archives of the MoD and is yet to see the light of the day.

But this much talked about incorporation of the army, navy and air headquarters with the MoD will not yield the desired results unless the charity begins at the Services’ home and measures are initiated for closer inter-Service integration. The armed forces have their operational and support Command Headquarters scattered all over India and is not conducive enough for cohesive functioning. The traditional distinction between ground, sea and air theatre of operations is rapidly being replaced by a single battle space and hence using military capabilities jointly has become fundamental to modern war. The future of India’s defence lies in joint operations and creating an integrated framework by co-locating and streamlining the regional single Service Commands should also form an integral partof the modernisation process without of course sacrificing the age old single Service concept.

(The author is former Editor-in-Chief Sainik Samachar)

Female Foeticide spreads to the Hills

By Madhu Gurung

Dehra Dun-- The road to Kandoli village is ten kms past the impressive Indian Military Academy. It curves gently to open up to a panorama of lime green rice fields. The air is fragrant with the smell of basmati rice. In the distance are the blue Shivalik hills and the tiny white houses of Mussoorie.

Our jeep groans along the road, which is just a track full of stones from the dry bed of the river Tons, until we climb up to the village.

The village school is in session, the voices of young children rise and fall as they say their lessons aloud. Some are busy painting on the school verandah under the watchful eye of the old school master Kuwar Singh Pundir. At 56, he is a tall thin man with gentle eyes. He is the headmaster of the Prathmik Vidyalaya, Kandoli (Lower). His father migrated here 60 years ago, like most of the villagers, from Chamoli in the Garhwal hills.

Pundir and a younger teacher, 28- old Sunil Kumar, sit with their books and attendance registers. The children sit on durries and jostle each other playfully. ''We have 58 children in our school- 29 boys and 29 girls.'' Pundir can't disguise his pride when he talks of his students. He himself has four daughters, three of them now married. The youngest, now 20, has been bethrothed.

When questioned if he wishes his daughters to have sons, he shrugs, ''We have no discrimination in Garhwal between daughters and sons. My middle daughter has two daughters and they are welcome,'' he replies.

Sunil Kumar who had been silent till then, interrupts, ''No, no There is discrimination. Of course, everyone wants a boy, so why hide it? Majburi hai (no choice), nowadays no one can afford many children. Everyone wants to have just two children and one must be a boy.'' Kumar is not married but when he does marry, he wants a son.

They represent two generations, Pundir and Kumar, yet the change in attitudes is startling and conspicuous-- the old order giving way to the new like everywhere in India.

Garhwal has no history of infanticide. Girls were never considered a burden. Instead their housework and work in the fields was valued and they fetched a bride price. The social order in the hills was different from that of the plains. Migration, increasing over the years, has spurred change. Hill folk are adopting the anti-women practices of people in the north Indian plains.

Says Dr Kiran Rawat, a sociologist working with the Himalayan Environment Studies and Conservation Organisation (HESCO), ''Men migrate in search of work and so looking after home, fields and children, is left to the women. Women have children as working hands are required. Boys are desired but only to carry on the 'vansh' (lineage). Women go through as many children it takes to produce one heir. They aren't disappointed if they have a daughter, they just try again.''

''But behind the traditional acceptance of a girl child there are subtle biases. The food a girl child is fed, the attention to her health or education is different from that given to a boy-all keeping in mind that the boy has to leave home to work outside''.

In a study conducted by HESCO in the Garhwal hills to determine gender bias in technology, some alarming facts emerged. HESCO identified 25 routine activities like fetching water, foraging for food and grass, working the fields, cooking etc, to find that hill women work 16 hours daily. There are no modern technological Innovation in technologies like ploughing benefits men as it is their job. Women's work has remained back-breaking.

''The infrastructure in the Uttar Pradesh (UP) hills is very poor. Women still have to walk miles to get water as there are no pipelines or taps. They still have to collect firewood, get grass for the cattle, weed, harvest, thresh the crop, cook and look after children. Most have little time for themselves, not even for personal hygiene. Ninety percent of them are anaemic and about 80 percent suffer from leucorhoea or ulcers. They get medicine only when they fall into bed unable to work any more,'' says Dr Rawat.

In remote areas of Garhwal and Kumaon, some superstitions persist. When women menstruate they are not supposed to touch water or the stove, as they are considered impure. They must live in the cowshed. The cowshed is also the place where women deliver babies --the area between the cattle and the birthing area is demarcated by cow-dung.

''This discrimination is traditional in the hills. But in comparison to the plains there is no history of killing girl babies. Only their well being was neglected'', says Dr Rawat.

Childbirth itself is extra-hazardous in the hills where medical attention, check ups, tetanus shots, drugs and doctors are rarely available.

According to UNICEF figures the international maternal mortality rate is 200-202 women dying in every 100,000 live births. The all-India figure is 437 women dying in every 100,000 live births. In UP, especially the hill regions of Uttrakhand, it is the highest in the country with 707 deaths per 100,000 live births.

''The condition of women is dire in UP. There are only 17.2 percent institutional births. Most are either happening at home or go unregistered,'' says UNICEF's Lucknow representative Madhvi Ashok. ''In the Uttarakhand area women are dying because the odds are against them. Most women marry early. The age of marriage is 15-18 years, when most women are not physically or mentally ready to have children. Not all primary health centres function or have an Auxiliary Nurse- cum-Midwives, forget having a doctor in such remote parts. Due to geographical difficulties the Anganwadi workers don't reach remote areas so the women are deprived of nutritional advice, check-ups and immunisation.''

The migration of men to the plains has many negative implications for their families.

''Hill men come to the valley, they undergo gentrification. Most don't go back, they marry again and settle here with their new wives and children. There are a lot of cases of desertion in the hills. For the women back home, dependent on their husbands' money order, it's slow suicide. Even the men who return take back the social attitudes and the ways of the plains with them'', says Avdesh Kaushal who runs an NGO, Rural Litigation and Entitlement Kendra (RLEK).

''The obsession for a son is one of the worst things to hit the hill society. It is sad that it has crept into a society where such traditional bias did not exist. In the old days having a daughter was not a cause for 'matam' (mourning),'' says Kaushal.

In 1991, Uttar Pradesh's sex ratio was 882 females to 1000 males but in the hills of Garhwal the female sex ratio was higher. In Chamoli it was 1059 females to 1000 males and in Tehri Garhwal it was 1073 females to 1000 males. Male migration was said to be a major factor in this distorted sex ratio.

In comparison, in the nodal towns to which men from the hill region first descend, the female sex ratio was low. In Dehra Dun (with a mixed population of Punjabis, Garhwalis, Gurkhas and local plains folk) the sex ratio was 851 females to 1000 males, much lower than the all India sex ratio of 927 females per 1000 males.

However, male migration alone cannot explain the low female sex ratio in the towns. The bias for sons, both among plains folk and hill folk, seems to be a factor.

A cut from ultra-sonologists for referring patients. An ultra sound costs Rs 400, sex determination Rs 900 to Rs 1100. Abortion costs Rs 500 to Rs 1000 for routine cases.

''Doctors in private practice earn a lot of money cashing in on people's desire for sons,'' says Dr Renuka Nathani, a gynaecologist in the Doon hospital, the city's biggest government hospital. The corridor outside the labour room is crammed with beds. Women are lying or sitting, their faces grim with pain as they wait their turn in the labour room. In the wards dogs lie under the women's beds. People simply ignore their presence.

Kamla Bisht lets me take a picture of her with her newly born son. Her neighbour too has had a son. The two women are quiet when another woman, Meera, refuses to be photographed with her twin daughters. Meera smiles but her eyes are blank as she says, ''bhagwan ki marzi hai (it is god's will).''
(WFS)



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