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EDITORIAL It happens only in India. Mera India, Mera Bharat. I love India. Be Indian; Buy Indian. All these are nice sayings. One ought to be proud of very rich heritage where human values and family values find enough of place to discern right from wrong, good from evil, auspicious from inauspricious and of course big from small. Our history is replete with instances of family norms either way. Mahabharat epic provides an interesting contrast in many ways. Dritrashtra had 101 sons, including aggressive Daryodhan while his brother Pandav had five. Bisham Pitamah although a bachelor could rightly pride in having to many young ones for cuddlesome dispensation. It will be difficult to count the grand-children because subsequent history loses track. But one thing is certain. All the 101 died, albeit in war with their own cousins who were only five. It is also immaterial asto how many wives Dritrashtra had to cross the century mark. But the fact remains number game did not help Kauravs to win the war. Lord Krishna exhorted Arjuna to take up arms against the enemy even if they be the cousins or fam. The lesson is all means are fair in love and war and there is simply no concesson for kinship. Even the most pious and truthful Yudishtra ....more |
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Kashmiris disillusioned By Dr. Jitendra Singh Teachers Self-Appraisal By Prof S K Bhalla Kashmir issue and By Babu Ram Sharma The new economic By Srinivasan K. Rangachary Education in India: Historical context Real education has to draw out the best from the boys and girls to be educated. This .....more |
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EDITORIAL It happens only in India. Mera India, Mera Bharat. I love India. Be Indian; Buy Indian. All these are nice sayings. One ought to be proud of very rich heritage where human values and family values find enough of place to discern right from wrong, good from evil, auspicious from inauspricious and of course big from small. Our history is replete with instances of family norms either way. Mahabharat epic provides an interesting contrast in many ways. Dritrashtra had 101 sons, including aggressive Daryodhan while his brother Pandav had five. Bisham Pitamah although a bachelor could rightly pride in having to many young ones for cuddlesome dispensation. It will be difficult to count the grand-children because subsequent history loses track. But one thing is certain. All the 101 died, albeit in war with their own cousins who were only five. It is also immaterial asto how many wives Dritrashtra had to cross the century mark. But the fact remains number game did not help Kauravs to win the war. Lord Krishna exhorted Arjuna to take up arms against the enemy even if they be the cousins or fam. The lesson is all means are fair in love and war and there is simply no concesson for kinship. Even the most pious and truthful Yudishtra could not resist the temptation when he vowed that Ashvathama had died (Ashvathama was name of the elephant as also that of warrior son of Guru Dharonacharya). This bluff or lie indeed changed the course of war in favour of Pandavs. In fact, every chapter in the epic has some lessons which hold good even now. The million dollar question is do we learn from history and emulate every episode or is it more logical to get fine-tuned to contemporary history, the modern scientific era. In one of the pamphlets being widely circulated 'small family' norms are disapproved. According to it with use of condoms number of unwed mothers has swollen. So is the number of illegitimate ones. In support thereof it is mentioned that during visit to a school in USA, they found a side-room where toddlers greeted them. On enquiry they were found to be the children of unwed school girls. And all this because western society has become too much permissive. India has to save itself from such western culture. It would be quite on course if statistics of MTP (Medical Termination of Pregnancy) in India are obtained for correct co-relation. It would be equally on to give the correct figure of prostitutes in India who are now demanding special rights for their 'yeomen services' rendered to the 'society.' The pamphlet also refers to official material released by the Government. Some years back the photo inscribed on the pamphlet indicated the couple with three children. Later on it was the 'subtraction' at work and then came the photo with only two children. It also gave birth to slogans like 'Ham Do, Hamare Do'. There are genuine apprehensions that soon it would be only 'one child' norm like it is in China. That is as far as propaganda for small family is concerned. While Government announces 'National Population Policy', the pamphlet advocates large family norm, the natural way. It however nowhere mentions wherefrom the food will come, what happens to education and medicare besides the employment. That obviously is the job of any legitimate Government which is duty bound to fulfill all the needs of the people. The pamphlet goes unto elaborate that it is the big family that provides more pleasure and promotes the joint family norm. It is quite blissful. More children around are eye-pleasing and edifying because it provides hilarious treat to Nana-Nani and Dada-Dadi to make their sunset hour still have enough of sheen. Meanwhile Raj Nath has banned Miss UP contest declaring such contests as vulgar and against our cultural heritage. It is time Raj Nath reads both Ramayana and Mahabharata afresh and then only comment on virtues of beauty and all that goes with it. Better still visit the tourist attraction Khajurao and then ban the beauty contests. It will be just in tune with times if those who have opted for 'Big Family' also accompany him. |
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Kashmiris
disillusioned with their leaders By Dr. Jitendra Singh The Vajpayee Government has played a master stroke by declaring unilateral cease-fire in Kashmir and by simultaneously inviting the alienated activists of all hues and colours to join the political fray. Now, the ball is in the Hurriyat court. Over the weeks to come, it would be interesting to watch the Hurriyat response to Vajpayee's overtures and equally interesting would be to watch the response of Kashmir's non-Hurriyat outfits to the ensuing parleys between the Hurriyat and the Centre. The question that cannot however go unaddressed is: What --- after all, what are the other options available before the Hurriyat Conference or the several separatist as also the non-separatist outfits operating in the Kashmir Valley? And, can any of these outifts survive any longer without being a party to Vajpayee's initiative? The pro-Azaadi or pro-Pak rhetoric may be good for media consumption and that too only if the media is still willing to lap up such stale planks. These slogans no longer carry conviction with the common masses who are quite unambiguous about the fact that things are going to remain as they are --- atleast for the foreseeable future. In other words, the common masses understand very well that it is going to be neither "Azaadi" nor "Pakistan" and the State of Jammu and Kashmir is going to stay as it is. Moreover, the experience of past 50 years clearly indicates that for any political party or outfit which happens to be in the Opposition in Jammu and Kashmir, the most handy populist slogan is "Pakistan Zindabad" and the moment any such party or outfit succeeds in capturing the seat of power, it overnight turns "nationalist" and starts chanting "Hindustan Zindabad". Incidentally, even though the public memory is said to be short, it is still not so short that people could forget the strong Congress background of somebody like Abdul Gani Lone who has tasted the loaves and fishes of ministership in an erstwhile Congress Government or somebody like Syed Gilani who did not hesitate enjoying all the privileges as an erstwhile Legislator sworn under the Constitution of India. This has also provoked allegation from certain quarters that in the event of an absolutely free fair election, many a Hurriyat and other socalled separatist leaders might end up facing a humiliating defeat at the hustings. Ironically, even as the people of Kashmir are not ready to accept the Hurriyat leaders at their face-value, they are equally disillusioned with the present dispensation under Farooq Abdullah. The common refrain is that while the Hurriyat leaders have earned an overnight fortune by the courtesy of huge foreign funds being pumped in on the pretext of support to the socalled "Azaadi" movement, the National Conference leaders have lost no time in making a fast buck through heavy bribes earned by the misuse of Government authority during the last four years. Meanwhile, the ongoing phase of uncertainty and insecurity coupled with corruption and nepotism has thrown back the progress of the Kashmir Valley by atleast one decade and the brunt of all this is to be borne by the lesser privileged children who are passing through their formative years even as the blue-eyed sons and daughters of most of the Kashmir leaders manage to pursue their education and settle outside the State to lead a luxurious lifestyle with least regard either for public propriety or for the "Islamic" tradition. Be that as it may, as far as the common man is concerned, a change of guard in the power hierarchy can make no difference as long as it does not ensure justice and fair deal. The common man will continue to remain disillusioned as long as he believes that the mutually warring and the mutually opposing contenders for power are nothing but the two sides of the same coin. The bard articulates Umapathy's predicament "Andhere Kya Ujaale Kya, Na Yeh Apne Na Woh Apne......!" |
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Kashmir issue and unilateral cease fire By Babu Ram Sharma Much human blood has been shed in the conflict between Pakistan and India over 'Kashmir' since partition of India in 1947. Has Pakistan achieved her objective in her futile venture? Absolutely not, except causing more and more losses of innocent lives, destruction and distress to the affected families, widows, orphans and their bred-earners! Kashmir, once a Paradise, now seems to have even been deserted by God Himself. The In-human Satan irreligiously has stolen a march and taken hold of it. In this reprehensible and diabolical situation once again the voice of 'humanity' in Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee Ji has moved on 'humanitarian' ethos to save Kashmiriyat, Sufism and human values to again rekindle 'the ray of light' once seen by the father of the nation in Kashmir! He has declared unilateral cease-fire in ''the tortured land'' of J&K much to the chagrin of prophets of persimism. According to him the tentative ceasefire valid for the holy month of Ramzan can be extended further (now extended for another month) in case it is responded equally well by Pakistan and her militant outfits. In this connection, one of the important Hurriyat Leaders has asked Atal Ji for continuance of the cease-fire inspite of militants 'No' and irresponsiveness on ground! Hurriyat trend appears positive. In her response though limited Pakistan has also shown restraint in her cross-border firing in the J&K State although it is not 'substantive' in many other respects. There is additionally also some change of stance in Pakistan's approach in that she has no objection to the Kashmir Hurriyat Leaders holding talks with India but with the rider that the talks should be followed by three way dialogue involving Pakistan, Hurriyat and India ''immediately after Ramzan''. The rider evidences that the Hurriyat conglomerate is fettered and not free to take a decision on her own and bind Pakistan as an independent entity. Nevertheless, Hurriyat, a vociferous spokesman of Pakistan, hob-nobbing with the Pakistan's Embassy, attending their Iftihars and other functions etc. simultaneously taking instructions from them seems to have acquired 'a voice' ! This is after the visit of senior leader Abdul Ghani Lone to Pakistan on the marriage of his son with the daughter of Islamabad-based JKLF Chief Aman Ullah Khan. Probably out of disenchantment with what he saw, learnt and experienced about the Kashmir people there besides position of Kashmiri Militant outfits viz-a-viz Pakistani and foreigners; he could not help expressing that Kashmiris do not want merger of Kashmir with Pakistan but want to decide about their destiny themselves. Some other Muslim Leaders backed this point of view. As per report in the paper one of the Muslim leaders went to the extent of saying that Pakistan had no 'Locus standii' in Kashmir. Not only this the Senior Hurriyat Leader Abdul Ghani Lone also Vehemently emphasized while in Pakistan, that the foreign. Jehadi etc. groups of Militants inducted into Kashmir were stumbling blocks in the peaceful dialogue with India and that Kashmiri Muslims were humanly religious-minded, God-fearing and the least Jehadies. He wanted winding-up of foreign out fits and packing them back home. This shows meeting of some ice with the warmth of amity and shunning the path of confrontation! India has also approved of the visit of some members of the Hurriyat to Pakistan for their Interaction and knowing Pakistan's stand as per their request. India has made it clear that she has no objection to talking to Kashmiri brethren, be they Militants and others, since they are ''Our own people'' with whom we can sort out ''differences'', what ever they be, amicably. India is not in favour of involving Pakistan in the dialogue because Pakistan has no locus standii in Kashmir except that of an Agressor, having deceitfully occupied more than one-third of J&K State territory pending Accession of the J&K State by her ruler which he did in favour of India lately. Pakistan also donated more than 5000 sgr. Kms of J&K territory un-rightfully to China in her border settlement etc. and has started proxy war against India with also foreign marcenaries. Hurriyat comprising some 23 Muslim outfits has come forward to dig ground to resolve the 'Kashmir Case' in a peaceful atmosphere. They know it that the soil is full of thorns and tough hurdles. They are cautioning patience and 'humanitarian' spade work. Let us see in what manner and contours they succeed with Pakistan after having rejected 'merger' with her and sounding winding-up and packing-back home of foreign Militant outfits, obviously including also those of Pakistan. In the J&K State the Hurriyat have to take into Account secular ruling party NC which has a considerable mass base. Then there are other big political parties quite effective in the State. There is also a demand from Jammu and Ladakh Regions besides the Kashmiri Pandit Community for their own Independant, Identity in any set-up. Hurriyat represents only several Kashmir Muslim Groups, some wanting Independence, a few want merger with Pakistan, still others want the whole of J&K State unified including territory occupied by Pakistan and then over-all elected, probably, Independent Govt. We wish Hurriyat success which there are many to tarpedo it. Peace cannot be bought in time-frame. It has to be patiently struggled for with the co-operation of the other people of the State. The Genius and Leadership of the Top-brass Hurriyat is on test. The head of this organisations has also minced no words in advising 'patience' and step by step movement ahead to hammer out a solution. India is not averse to talks to Pakistan once Pakistan also adheres to the Shimla Agreement, committing herself ''to renounced the use of force violence, peaceful Co-existence and binds herself not to alter the line of control in J&K State irrespective of the position of either side in the case'' as stipulated! |
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The new economic policy and Swadeshism By Srinivasan K. Rangachary A sort of buzzword associated with the new economic policies is swadeshism. It was believed that the new policies would herald the beginning of a new era of self-reliance for the nation in the economic sphere. The components of the policies may be looked at from this angle as a normative goal. But the term swadeshism is rather vague and connotes different things to different people. Swadeshism implies a reduction in the dependence on foreign capital and technology flows; a reduction in imports of foreign goods which can alternatively be indigenously manufactured at equal costs on a level playing field; active encouragement for domestic savings and enterprise; active promotion of domestic research and development; reforms in the legal framework and structure of incentives so as to bring about level playing fields for domestic industry and production, to enable them to produce at costs equal to those of imported goods; social policies to inculcate preferences in favour of domestic goods against imported goods and in favour of domestic technologies and services against imported services. Under certain conditions, it may imply for some period higher levels of import duties to expand the market for domestic manufactures and to allow the latter to reap external and internal economies of larger sizes and wider markets at home. The goal of swadeshism, however, should not lead to a balance of payments crisis consequent to an increase in trade and current account deficits. Swadeshism in economic thinking also implies such policies as would benefit the mass of the community, particularly the lower income groups. This is because conventional Western thinking would not take into account the interests of large classes of unindexed populations and the large amount of unemployment as well as the high measure of poverty. Swadeshism will get mass support if there is zero inflation and employment is expanding in a context of narrowing wage disparities. It follows that swadeshism would imply a commitment to a model of development emphasising growing employment, reductions in pressures on foreign exchange and the absence of inflation, along with a reduction in income disparities. Ultimately, it is these three effects that have to be taken into account in any economic policy. Swadeshism should be deemed an instrument of the same. To bring this about, interventions, incentives and moral persuasions may be required. But these may be accepted as concomitants of accepting a swadeshi path. The idea is the optimum model for India should be best suited to Indian goals and Indian conditions, including constraints arising from history and the acceptance of belief in a pluralistic democratic system as a matter of faith. Looked at from the above angle, the current economic policy has a number of drawbacks and inconsistencies. These are outlined below: First, we have become complacent about argumenting domestic savings, both in the private and public sectors. We have been encouraging a propensity to function through larger and larger borrowing, against being more economical and thrifty in functioning. Enterprises are consciously encouraged to go on borrowing and to reduce the proportion of their ploughbacks. While their tax rates are being brought down, corporate are not being encouraged to save more of the funds that are released. Our tax rates are lower than in neighbouring countries as well as in many developed countries. But we are persisting with them. We are reducing interest rates on bank credit and interest on credit from financial institutions and thus increasing the ratio of borrowed funds to equity. The general reduction in direct tax rates is not coupled with differential incentives to those who want to save the potentially released incomes. The expenditure tax philosophy would have promoted more ploughbacks in firms and more savings from households. For administrative reasons, such savings had to be in defined instruments largely issued by the public sector. We are no longer interested in mobilising more savings through such instruments. Since incentives for savings have been done away with, and interest rates on savings brought down, the biggest blow has been dealt to growth of the savings and thrift habit in India. It is strange that, on the one hand, the NDA government wanted promotion of savings and, on the other, everything is being done at the monetary and fiscal policy levels to hurt the savers. This contradiction in the alleged objectives of policy and the actual measures has not been commented upon by the Members of Parliament, including the ruling parties. Many financial newspapers obviously reflect the interests of the corporate class, which advertises in them. We cannot expect them to become a lobby for the savers. It is, thus, clear that there can be several meanings attached to the concept of swadeshi. Nehru thought of swadeshi in terms of self-reliance in the capacity to manufacture machines and other heavy industry products. Indira Gandhi seems to have thought of it in terms of self-reliance in food production. Industrialists generally though of swadeshi in terms of protection for domestic industry and enterprise. Dr. Manmohan Singh and Dr. C. Rangarajan though of swadeshi in terms of balance-of-payments self-reliance, especially through the expansion of exports and the buildup of exchange reserves. It is not clear what the concept of swadeshi is in the thinking of the current government in terms of economic policy. Since we have opened the gates to imports of agricultural products and food items, the concept of swadeshi in terms of food and agricultural products cannot be considered a goal of economic policy. Since imports of machinery products and materials are now free and at low import costs, the Nehruvian concept of self-reliance does not apply. Since we are consciously substituting foreign inflows for domestic savings, and have removed all incentives for the latter, we cannot consider self-reliance in terms of domestic savings as the objective of policy. As primarily we are permitting imports in a large number of consumer goods as well, we may not consider the current policy as one of self-reliance in industry. Whatever the merits of the Bombay Club's view, and even granting that some of the leaders of the Club are advisers to the Prime Minister, we are not following a protectionist policy in regard to industry by raising walls on imports. >From whatever angle, it will be a long stretch of words if we have to treat the current policy as imbibed by Swadeshism in any sense of the term. What, then, are the objectives of policy? Clearly, as we have abandoned domestic savings and investment as the promoter of growth, we must look at the alleged promotion of consumption as the growth driver, as per the government. This angle can be supported because of the rise in wages and salaries of government servants and of reductions in excise and import duties. We want consumption to grow at a higher rate and, through such growth, we probably want to stimulate investment, from domestic sources or abroad. The reductions in tax rates at higher income levels enables receivers of higher incomes to spend on consumer durables and light consumer goods. This, in turn, it is expected, will lead to larger imports of machinery, and so on, as well as larger production of the latter at home. This should also lead to larger capital issues in the consumer goods sector. But here we have problem. If savings do not go up and foreign inflows are to fill the gap, it is possible that the acceleration effect will be felt by foreign countries, which produce the machinery, etc., and which have capacity to export consumer goods. Consequently, as competitively domestic industry may have to shrink to accommodate foreign imports, overall it may be that aggregate production at home may not grow as expected by the government and, consequently, employment may not grow; it may even shrink. If consumption expansion is to be met by investment expansion and production expansion out of new domestic capacity in consumption goods, domestic savings have to go up, and the acceleration effect must be felt within and not without. According to data during the past two years there is no evidence that industrial growth is picking up in any big way, nor is there any evidence of an investment in domestic industry. But imports adjusted for prices have been expanding in a big way in quantity terms. Consequently, we have hurt ourselves by both reducing savings and also by reducing potentially domestic productions in consumption goods. I do not know who put forth the idea of expanding domestic consumption and then allowing the acceleration effect to work within. That this is not happening is the biggest flaw in the current economic thinking at the govermental lines. Thus the current economic policy seems to be choking savings and home investment and also home production. The policy in effect, is the opposite of swadeshism in every sense! It is very close to the policy adopted by the erstwhile British rulers who wanted to convert India into a trading community rather than an industrial-cum-trading community! INAV |
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Education in India: Historical context Real education has to draw out the best from the boys and girls to be educated. This can never be done by packing ill-assorted and unwanted information into the heads of the students. It becomes a dead weight crushing all originality in them and turning them into mere automata. Mahatma Gandhi (Harijan, 1 December 1933) The task of building an elightended, strong and prosperous nation rests on the shoulders of its children who are to be cherished, nurtured and developed with tenderness and care. Education has always played this important role and has thereby emerged as a natural characteristic of human societies. It has contributed to the shaping of the destinies of societies in all the phases of their development and has itself never ceased to develop. It has been the torch bearer of humanity's most noble ideals. In this sense, as an agent for social change, education necessarily reflects its main ethos, aspirations and concerns. India had an advanced system of education and the world's first universities which presented a consummate example of education based on philosophy and religion and at the same time stressed the study of mathematics, history, astronomy, maritime and even the laws of economics and public administration. The Chhandogya Upanishad (Chapter VII, Section I ) mentions eighteen different subjects of study including areas such as natural disaster management, mineralogy, linguistics, science of elements, and science of defence. The history of Indian education shows that encouraged by her great tradition of diversity, tolerance and humanism, various cultural and religious groups established their own educational institutions to suit their specific requirements. While some of these were of religious nature, the others imparted some kind of vocational education. The religious institutions provided for the development of the whole individual body, mind and spirit, infusion of a spirit of piety and religiousness, formation of character, development of personality, inculcation of respect for civic and social duties, production of social efficiency, and preservation and spread of national culture. As per the British Documents, even the early nineteenth century India had an extensive education system, free from caste and religious discrimination, and almost all the villages had schools. Then the British introduced their educational system based on grant-in-aid to institutions to impart their kind of education to absorb the products in the civil services. In this scheme, very little of knowledge, attitudes and skills that the local people possessed was considered fit for educational use and was therefore totally discarded. Thus indigenous educational system suffered a setback, and the new system alienated Indian education from the wisdom, the belief and the value system of the people who were uprooted from their tradition. School education in recent times has emerged as an important segment of the total educational system expected to contribute significantly to the individual as well as the national development processes. In order to do that effectively, it needs to be continuously reviewed and updated. In fact, curriculum development, which is at the root of this renewal process, has to be seen as a permanent search for qualitative improvement of education in response to various changes in the society. A meaningful curriculum shall have to be responsive to the socio-cultural context of the country. Characterised as one of the longest surviving continum of cultures, India is a multi-cultural and multi-lingual society with a perennial undercurrent of essential unity. Its social base seems to be consisting of rocks of all the ages jumbled together by a series of seismic shocks. Thus the heterogeneity in social structures is a distinctive feature of the Indian society. Like the myriad species of plants and animals that make up the rich natural world, the large number of beliefs, religions and races inhabit one of the geographically most diverse countries. India's various ethnic groups form interconnecting loops, competing and cooperating while forming complex webs of interaction. Indian cultural thus is a living process assimilating various strands of through and lifestyle. The process has created a rich college of India exemplifying 'unity in diversity and diversity in unity'. This long tradition has been transmitted from one generation to another and it shows both continuity and change. In the Indian society collectivity had a traditional, agrarian ethos, which provided continuity. Conversely, the subsequent encounter with the western ethos generated discontinuities in the living process. Traditionally, India has been perceived as a source of fulfilment - material, sensuous and spiritual, consisting primarily of an agrarian society, the social design of which emphasised self-sufficiency, contentment and operational autonomy for each village. The principles of non-interference and non-aggression were emphasised. The economic structure of the country was designed on the basic principle of the distribution of resources, not the distribution of income. The social matrix was congruent with the economic design based on the principle of distributive authority given to each village unit. Such a social design recognised the continuity of psycho-social relatedness, such as nesting of financial roles, as occupation and education in the social structure. Festivals as part of the social infrastructure, were the most natural modes of expressing oneself and of enjoyment. A religio-philosophic ethos, centred around self-realisation as the main purpose, allowed one to surrender oneself without any feelings of guilt or fear of punishment. A sizeable segment of the contemporary Indian society, seems to have distanced itself from the religio-philosophic ethos, the awareness of the social design, and the understanding of the heritage of the past. Influenced by the alien technological ethos, the parents and the educational institutions emphasis the acquisition of high grade techno-informative knowledge alone. However, the impact of westernisation has been limited to only the elite members of the society, leaving the masses unaware of these developments. This has brought into a sharp focus the rural-urban, the agrarian-industrial, the affluent - destitute and the literate-illiterate divides. In this way, the structure of the authority of the Indian agrarian society has been disturbed. An individual in the formal work system could exercise authority over those who were otherwise his superiors in age and in the societal structure. In the agrarian society, successive generals followed the occupation as well as the goal sets of the family or the caste at large. However, technological developments later introduced new professions, and consequently new goal sets emerged. In contrast to the joint and extended family system, the society now is witnessing the phenomenon of nuclear families, single parents, unmarried relationships and so on. The modern formal work organisations have generated peer groups and collaborative work patterns. The British system of education, which has continued in India even after independence, has contributed to this development. This was in sharp contrast to the work design of the agrarian society in which individuals by themselves could complete the entire work due to the simplicity and sequentiality of the technology. In the cultural sphere, major changes have been introduced by legislation which seek to abolish social inequalities and exploitation handed down by tradition and accord all democratic rights and constitutional privileges to all the members of society. It is widely accepted that
education, adequate in quality and scale, is the most
powerful instrument for achieving goals of action and
establishing social cohesion. Some of the important
national goals are: secularism, democracy, equality,
liberty, fraternity, justice, natural integration and
patriotism. It should also develop in the child a respect
for human rights as well as duties. The weaker sections
including scheduled castes/ scheduled tribes, women,
children with impairments and minorities can no longer
remain underprivileged. Education must contribute to the
enormous task of their upliftment and empowerment -CNF |
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